Thoughts on economics and liberty

Tag: Monetary and financial system

A bill to introduce competition in the supply of currency

In January 2009 I wrote this note to myself (and published it on my blog) in relation to the lack of competition in the issue of money in Australia: 

"Following on the suggestions in Heyek’s paper, “A Free-Market Monetary System” I inquired into the feasibility of starting a money-issuing business in Australia by writing to the Reserve Bank, thus: "I am contemplating (if legally feasible) preparing a business plan to establish a bank purely to issue gold-backed currency. I am considering buying gold backed securities from the Perth Mint (and other mints across the world) and issuing high denomination ‘gold dollars’ that can be used as a medium of exchange. The market would then be able to consider using this fully gold-backed money, particularly for trade. Will such an idea violate any law? Could someone from RBA please advise me on this?"

"In response I find that it is banned here as well (as it is in US, for instance). The Reserve Bank Act 1959 confers on the Reserve Bank of Australia the responsibility for the production and issue, reissue and cancellation of Australia’s banknotes. Further, section 44 states that a person or state “shall not issue a bill or note for the payment of money payable to bearer on demand and intended for circulation”. In addition, the Banking Act 1959 talks about the legal requirements for the establishment of a banking facility.Clearly this can be seen as a socialist restriction on money, which is, at its heart, a commodity like any other."

Legislation in USA compatible with this proposal

Thanks to Facebook, I accidentally chanced upon this information today, that on December 9, 2009 Ron Paul had proposed in  US House of Representatives a bill entitled, the Free Competition in Currency Act of 2009 (link to PDF version of the bill) to achieve precisely this goal. The speech he gave is provided below. 

The bill obviously did not go anywhere, but the time has come to implement such reforms. Any freedom-oriented political party in India (or elsewhere) must actively consider introducing such a bill. Why are we afraid of competition in currency? Because that would reduce the lever of the government to tax the economy through inflation? Well, that's a very bad excuse.

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The case against inheritance tax

In DOF I've argued vigorously against James Meade's (a Nobel prize winner in economics) arguments for an inheritance tax. John Rawls took on Meade's arguments to propose a dramatically enhanced welfare state with strong redistribution.

An article in The New York Times today by Russell Roberts (who is a research fellow at Stanford University’s Hoover Institution and professor of economics at George Mason University) and co-author of Cafe Hayek prompted me to make a comment on the Cafe Hayek blog. 

I encourage you to read Russell's argument but note two other key arguments that I've made in DOF. Let me reproduce the entire section:

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Meade advocated a highly aggressive tax on inheritance. We could, in consequence, acquire wealth for ourselves but not be permitted to pass it on. That is simply unacceptable. We live through our children, and while we may not work only for their sake, we have in mind the continuity of our life that our children represent. Our children are us. Rawls wanted the ‘wide dispersal of property’ as part of property-owning democracy. This, he believed, ‘is a necessary condition … if the fair value of the equal liberties is to be maintained.’[1] But that’s not true! Indeed, were such forced dispersal of property to occur, there would be no liberties left because such dispersal is unnatural and coercive. He also wrote, confoundingly, that ‘One naturally imagines that the greater wealth of those better off is to be scaled down until eventually everyone has nearly the same income. But this is a misconception, although it might hold in special circumstances’[2]. This view significantly contradicts his more fundamental statement that ‘[a]ll social values – liberty and opportunity, income and wealth, and the social basis of self-respect – are to be distributed equally’ [emphasis mine].
 
To thus say that Rawls’s work is replete with confusion would be an understatement, with the implications of his second principle destroying his first principle. And basic puzzles remain. Why would anyone labour their whole life if they were unable to pass on the fruits of this labour to their children? Transfers of assets from one generation to another should be treated seamlessly, ruling out all inheritance taxes (this is also fundamentally a problem on the ground that those families that tend to die at an average age of 50 would be taxed far more heavily than those that die at age 90).
 
As I noted in my comment at Cafe Hayek, This way families that have differential genes for longevity will be taxed differently. Greater nonsense (in terms of a redistributive theory) cannot be thought of.
 

[1] Rawls, John, A Theory of Justice (1971), Cambridge, Massachusetts: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1999, p. 245.

 

[2] Rawls, John, A Theory of Justice (1971), Cambridge, Massachusetts: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1999, p.252.
 
ADDENDUM 2 April 2011
Another thing occurred to me today in favour of free intergenerational transfer – that it is Pareto optimal. This is clearly an exchange where one party (the inheritor) is made better off without harming anyone (the inheritee, or bequestor, who is dead and can't be harmed). A Pareto improvement should not be touched by the state at any cost.
 
WHY DNA AND EVOLUTION DRIVES INCENTIVES

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How the US Fed has failed in every way

This lecture by George Selgin is pathbreaking in its analytical quality. It destroys the case for central banking totally.[see also this blog post of mine] 

Free banking must return. The question now is only this: How to transition from this mess to a systematic and well regulated (for prudential purposes) free banking system, in a least disruptive manner.   

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Further proof that central banks must be disbanded

I'm reproducing, below, an excellent article by Donald J. Boudreaux of Cafe Hayek (btw, if you haven't subscribed to that blog, please do so).

There is no doubt that the Central Bank model has failed us, and indeed, can't work. As I argued in my January 2009 article in Freedom First (here), "central banks are established exclusively to interfere with this free determination of interest rates by distorting money supply and fixing the price of money. Naturally consumers and entrepreneurs are confused in these economies."

Further, "Like other socialist planners, central banks are prone to imagine that the solutions to the world’s problems lie inside their presumably super-intelligent but in reality deeply flawed and ill-informed brains (we are all similarly endowed: that is the basic truth about human frailty). Fatal conceit afflicts them as they try to ‘fine tune’ the economy by randomly tinkering with money supply and its price."

And so I argue, "Central banking, the illegitimate child of mercantilist monarchs and communist utopians, must be abolished. We must get free banking, instead: based on the gold standard."

I argue that central banks should be split up into various functions, and its money creation function hived off. The only serious issue I've received in the past many months on this related to seniorage, but nothing prevents a government from licensing the money creation function and including a royalty (over and above the corporate taxes on the banks licensed to issue money).

Anyway, read the following article. This elaborates on my views expressed in that article.

Failed Fed by Donald J. Boudreaux, Friday, November 26, 2010

In his 1960 classic "The Constitution of Liberty," F.A. Hayek insisted that money can be supplied adequately only by government. By 1976, Hayek had changed his mind. In that year he published a monograph calling for (as its title reads) "The Denationalisation of Money."

Supplying money, Hayek argued from 1976 until his death in 1992, is best left to private banks competing against each other for deposits. Entrusting government with monopoly control over the single most important good in a market economy — money — is a recipe for catastrophe.
 
Ask yourself (and answer honestly): If you possessed exclusive power to print dollars and spend them as you wish — and if you were allowed to imprison anyone who tried to compete with you in the money-supply business — might you be tempted from time to time to pay your bills not by working harder, but by simply rolling a few thousand more dollars off your printing press? When choosing between buying a new car or a luxury vacation to Tahiti, might you rescue yourself from the need to make this choice by printing enough money so that you can buy both?
 
You see the temptation.
 
And yet such power over the money supply is precisely what Uncle Sam possesses.
 
Uncle Sam delegates that power to the Federal Reserve — whose board of governors, fortunately, is insulated somewhat from politics. But only somewhat. The Fed, after all, was created by Congress, must report to Congress and from time to time is the subject of talk about being brought more directly under congressional control.
 
However, even if politics never enters into the decision-making of Fed officials, and even if those officials are guaranteed always to be the saintliest and most morally courageous human beings who ever breathed, having a monopoly money supplier is a very bad idea.
 
My George Mason University colleague Lawrence H. White and my former GMU colleague (now at the University of Georgia) George Selgin have devoted their prolific careers to studying the theory and history of central banking and its free-market alternatives.
 
White's book "Free Banking in Britain" explains how free-market money-issuing in Scotland during the 18th and 19th centuries resulted in remarkably sound money. Selgin's book "The Theory of Free Banking" explores in detail the reasons why competitive money issuers outperform a monopoly money issuer at supplying sound money and, hence, at avoiding problems sparked by too much (or too little) money creation.
 
Recently, White and Selgin (along with William Lastrapes) released a major study of the Fed's actual performance since its founding in 1913.The title of the paper explains well the questions these scholars ask: "Has the Fed Been a Failure?"
 
To sensibly answer this question requires a baseline against which the Fed's actual performance can be compared. The ideal baseline, regrettably, is impossible to determine. That baseline would be knowledge of how the economy of the past 97 years would have performed if the Fed had never been created.
 
Nevertheless, Selgin, Lastrapes and White present a convincing case that the Fed likely made the economy worse and not better than it would have been had America been spared a central bank.
 
The first and most obvious issue to examine is the value of the dollar. From 1790 until 1913, the dollar lost 8 percent of its value. Since the Fed's creation in 1913, however, the dollar has lost (so far) an additional 95 percent of its value. Given that one of the Fed's mandates is to maintain price stability, such inflation is hardly evidence of successful performance. Clearly, the Fed has undermined the dollar's value.
 
A Fed apologist might respond that a 95 percent loss of value over 97 years means that the average annual rate of inflation was quite modest. True. But this low average masks great volatility. Selgin and his co-authors found also that "The pricelevel had … become less rather than more predictable since the Fed's establishment." And, therefore, "as the Fed has gained greater control over long-run price level movements, those movements became increasingly difficult to forecast."
 
Given prices' important role in regulating consumer and investor actions, it's not surprising that Selgin, Lastrapes and White fail to find any evidence that the Fed has moderated swings in economic output.
Perhaps most significantly, the evidence also shows that Fed intervention has lengthened economic downturns — such as the one we're currently in — without reducing their severity (even if we exclude the Great Depression from the data!).
 
Finally, the evidence shows that the Fed has done nothing to reduce the frequency of bank failures.
The overall assessment by Selgin, Lastrapes and White is stark: "The Fed's failure has been chronic."
It's time we ponder more competitive alternatives to this monopoly central bank.
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