Thoughts on economics and liberty

Tag: John Locke

Locke was a bad economist

Locke seems to have made fundamental errors in economic theory

While he was a great political philosopher, he did not understand the implications of his political theory for the economy. That explains why it took so long for England to move away from mercantilism despite the presence of many excellent political thinkers prior to Adam Smith. 
 
The precursors of modern economics were the Scholastics, who made many useful deductions about he price system. Locke had studied the Scholastics intensively when he was young, but he seems to have missed out their understanding of markets. Therefore he ended up with muddled ideas. As Richard Aaron notes:
Locke was a Mercantilist. Locke's main concern was with the quantity theory of money, exchange relationships between countries and theory of international prices, the use and control of the precious metals, and usury. [Source: Aaron's book, John Locke, p.39.]
Locke, towards the end of his life, had become a highly venerated person, equally if not more well known across England (and the Continent) than Isaac Newton. He was also valued by the Whig government for his executive skills and diligence, being therefore given many senior government assignments (at good recompense).
 
Locke at that stage seems to have written on a few economics matters (e.g. Some Considerations of the Consequences of the Lowering of Interest and the Raising of the Value of Money), and participated actively in calling in all debased coinage and recoining it according to standard weight, the cost to fall upon the Exchequer – an event that took place finally in 1696. 
 
The Bank of England, created in 1694, gave a monopoly to the English government to borrow as much "money" as it wanted for its wars and other (usually) unnecessary expenses. It turns out that John Locke was one of the original subscribers to the Bank, contributing 500 pounds – a fortune in those days. It is not clear to me whether Locke supported the idea of a central bank, for his participation could well have been a commercial decision. But he obviously did not oppose it strongly enough – a great misfortune, from which we are still suffering.
 
Things get worse for Locke.
 
As questionable an "economist" as Keynes, in Chapter 23 of his General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money argued that Locke's theories are still of great importance (page 344). [I don't have time to comment on this specific issue, but the act of being praised by Keynes is very damaging!]
 
It can now be established, consequently, as a working conclusion, that Locke was deeply confused about the economy. It is really good that Adam Smith came along two generations later to enlighten us about the price system.
 
Locke, however, had always remained humble enough to accept that he may be wrong. He might have, I believe, been dissuaded of his erroneous economic ideas had he lived long enough to understand the economy properly. I'm willing to give Locke the benefit of doubt. None, however, to Keynes.
Continue Reading

Locke, the first theorist of representative democracy

A few months ago I noted the reluctance even among those who ought to know better re: Locke's role in the development of modern democracy.

It was disturbing also to note that Timothy Ferris does not attribute (in his otherwise excellent book) the prime role in developing the theory of democracy to John Locke but to a ragtag self-seeking power struggle in England with the advent of the new middle class  (p.27-33, The Science of Liberty). Instead, he notes that: "Locke feared that the people were mired in 'passion and superstition'". (p.28) But acknowledging that people are OFTEN mired in passion and superstition does not mean that they are unfit to form part of a democracy. 

Ferris also makes the very strange comment in the beginning of his book, that "In 1900 there was not a single liberal democracy in the world" (p3). His reason is that "none yet had universal suffrage". However, it is not possible to expect that societies can move from absolute monarchy to universal suffrage at the flip of a switch. These things take time. And classical liberals were at the forefront of this battle (as I have shown in DOF). 

Ferris's is a book that I'm thoroughly enjoying (as time permits), but it is replete with errors in relation to economics and politics. After all Ferris is a scientist (an eminent professor) and science writer, not economist or political philosopher. He is trying to form a bridge between three important disciplines: science, economics, and politics; and that is not a trivial task.

And so, to ensure that all people of the world can better understand why John Locke is at least as important in world history as Isaac Newton (and in my view MORE important than Newton) (and both were greatest of friends – a happy coincidence!), I'm advancing some more relevant information on this blog post.

I have now found the time (and more important the physical capacity – although my eyes have not fully recovered, still sore throughout the day: only in deep sleep I forget the pain) to convert Robert Faulkner's excellent article, "The First Liberal Democrat: Locke's Popular Government" in The Review of Politics, Vol. 63, No. 1 (Winter, 2001), pp. 5-39, into Word. Do download and read this. I strongly commend the article. Prof. Robert Faulkner (of Boston College) has a profound understanding of Locke's work.

(I also located a book, by Graham Faiella (2006), entitled, John Locke: Champion of Modern Democracy. Rosen Pub. Group. It is available at Amazon. It is meant for young adults, and you can browse through it on google books.  – haven't read it but its title is self-explanatory)

Locke's own statements:

Whosoever, therefore, . . . unite into a community, must be understood to give up all the power necessary to the ends for which they unite into society to the majority of the community, unless they expressly agreed in any number greater than the majority. [Locke, Second Treatise] 

It is the “interest, as well as intention of the People,” to have a “fair and equal Representative” (Second Treatise, 158).

Locke prefers a legislature of the people’s “Deputies” (Second Treatise,142)

“The People alone can appoint the Form of the Commonwealth, which is by Constituting the Legislative, and appointing in whose hands that shall be” (Second Treatise,141).

In “well order’d Commonwealths” the legislative power is in “divers Persons” or “collective Bodies” (Second Treatise,94, 143).

“just and equal” representation is so suitable to “the original Frame of Government,” which “cannot be doubted” to be “the will and act of the Society,” whoever “permitted, or caused them so to do” (Second Treatise, 158).

“The People shall be Judge” (Second Treatise, 240). 

The doctrine of a collective legislative excludes “any Man, in what Station soever,” who by “pretence of Superiority” claims “exemption” from the laws for himself or “his Dependants” (Second Treatise, 94).

The “Essence and Union of the Society”consists in having a collective will and that the legislative’s role is the “declaring, and as it were keeping of that Will” (Second Treatise,212).

there is to be no taxation without also a representative body (Second Treatise,140). (cf. Faulkner)

the people reserve “to themselves the Choice of their Representatives, as the Fence to their Properties” (Second Treatise,222).

he defines equal protection of the laws in a manner that forbids legal patronage of different orders: “one rule for Rich and Poor, for the Favourite at Court, and the Country Man at Plough” (Second Treatise,142).

People could not be “safe nor at rest” under government, “nor think themselves in Civil Society,”until the legislative was in “collective Bodies of Men” by which “every single person became subject, equally with other the meanest Men, to those Laws, which he himself, as part of the Legislative had established” (Second Treatise,94). 

Key extracts from Faulkner

While Locke was not the first to advance representative government, nor the first to separate executive from legislative, he was, according to Harvey Mansfield, the first to combine these two inventions.

This article discusses the democratic side of Locke’s political thought, which is generally not appreciated. 

Locke’s plans are more democratic, and more radical too, than is generally believed

Civil government rather democratically understood is the only rational government, the one just government for the world.

While Locke does raise up a powerful executive, he also makes it dependent as a rule on a rather democratic legislative. What Locke wishes to induce over time is something like parliamentary government, with the executive vested in a cabinet and the whole more or less responsible to the people in his sense, especially to a majority.

Locke prefers representation to direct assembly, attacks constant or even frequent sessions of the legislative, 

He relies mostly on political arrangements, say of election and reapportionment, to bring representatives to heel. “The People shall be Judge” only when government is not in effect popular government.

A majority enforcing piety or sharing the wealth is not a Lockean “majority” and violates the limits on a Lockean legislative (Second Treatise, 134-42).

Locke’s constitutionalism is a universal razor to cut away aristocrats and theocrats as well as monarchs, and in general all regimes in which the rulers pretend to a superior authority. 

Only a representative government is not absolute, and only government by a legislative in Locke’s novel sense is not arbitrary. 

The "legislative" seems to be Locke's great innovation in enlightened government. 

Locke’s legislative mixes supremacy and legal form with rule of law and popular representation. 

But this is very important for classical liberals: Lockean government is fundamentally an a-political agent, “government,” possessed principally of constitutional structure and only secondarily of features of monarchy, aristocracy or democracy.

There are sharp differences between Locke’s prescriptions and the English mixture in his time of monarchy with aristocracy. Parliament’s authority had been enlarged after the Revolution of 1688, indeed, but even under William and Mary its powers were qualified by royal powers over lawmaking and over the selection, purchase, and management of lawmakers. Locke opposes all of this.

It is not often perceived how anti-aristocratic the Lockean revolution in lawmaking is to be. Locke never advances anything like houses of commons and peers under the thumb of gentry and great landowners. He never prescribes a legislative of two houses. He occasionally suggests a unicameral body of the majority in “public assembly” (Second Treatise,97).

Other commentators who support the view that Locke was the first theorist of democracy

His assertion that all legitimate government rests upon "the consent of the governed" profoundly altered discussions of political theory and promoted the development of democratic institutions. With his assertion of natural law, Locke rebutted the claim that government, specifically monarchy, was an aspect of a divinely ordained chain of being. Natural law is identical with the law of God, Locke argued, and guarantees to all men basic rights, including the right to life, to certain liberties, and to own property and keep the fruits of one's labor. To secure these rights, Locke argued, men in civil society enter into a contract with their government. The citizen is bound to obey the law, while the government has the right to make laws and to defend the commonwealth from foreign injury — all for the public good. Locke asserted that when any government becomes lawless and arbitrary, the citizen has the right to overthrow the regime and institute a new government. [Source]

Throughout his writings, Locke argued that people had the gift of reason. Locke thought they had the natural ability to govern themselves and to look after the well being of society. He wrote, “The state of nature has a law of nature to govern it, which treats everyone equally. Reason, which is that law, teaches all mankind…that being all equal and independent, no one ought to harm another in his life, health or possessions.” Locke did not believe that God had chosen a group or family of people to rule countries. He rejected the “Divine Right,” which many kings and queens used to justify their right to rule. Instead, he argued that governments should only operate with the consent of the people they are governing. In this way, Locke supported democracy as a form of government. Locke wrote, “We have learned from history we have reason to conclude that all peaceful beginnings of government have been laid in consent of the people.” Governments were formed, according to Locke, to protect the right to life, the right to freedom, and the right to property. Their rights were absolute, belonging to all the people. Locke also believed that government power should be divided equally into three branches of government so that politicians will not face the “temptation… to grasp at absolute power.” If any government abused these rights instead of protecting them, then the people had the right to rebel and form a new government. [Source]

His social contract authorised "representative democracy with legislative and executive powers "in distinct hands." [Source]

Conclusion

In sum, I have strong reasons to believe that Locke was indeed the first major theorist of democracy. Should you have evidence either in favour or against this, please let me know asap. Grateful!

Continue Reading

John Locke’s seminal views on toleration

John Locke's name is seared in history as the philosopher who brought together a range of fundamental concepts that had been bubbling below the surface for a few hundred years in England and Europe more generally, into the most cogent case for liberty presented till then by anyone.

It is over 300 years since he wrote his Letter Concerning Toleration, but its message lives with us today. I present below extracts from Andrew Norton's review of this – perhaps the most famous – letter in human history (published in 100 Great Books of Liberty (2010)).

A Letter Concerning Toleration John Locke, 1689

John Locke's … A Letter Concerning Toleration … is on a subject central to seventeenth century English and European politics; religious conflict, and in particular the relationship between religion and the state.
 
Locke was deeply involved in the politics of his day. .. [I]n the 1680s went into exile in the Netherlands… [which] gave Locke time to write, and A Letter Concerning Toleration was one result. It was initially published anonymously, though its author had returned to England after the 1688 'Glorious Revolution ended James II's rule and absolute monarchy.
 
Locke's main goal in his Letter was to show why the state could not save its citizens' souls, making enforced religious orthodoxy pointless. According to Locke, this was because true religion 'consists in the inward persuasion of the Mind'. If people do not believe genuinely in their ostensible religion their souls will not be saved. Instead, they will be hypocrites and show 'Contempt of his Divine Majesty'. Only 'Light and Evidence', according to Locke, can change people's minds, not 'corporal Sufferings' or other penalties.
 
As many liberals have since, Locke pointed to the limits of knowledge. The 'art of Ruling', he said, does not necessarily bring with it certain knowledge of the true religion. If it did, why do rulers differ so vastly in religious matters? Further, the attempts to enforce religion results in oppression, and 'makes men struggle to cast off an uneasie and tyrannical Yoke'—fear of Catholic oppression having triggered the assassination attempt that sent Locke into exile. By contrast, Locke says, lust and moderate Governments are every where quiet, every where safe.'
 
If church and state keep to their appropriate functions, each will be more secure. Locke believed the state's role should be limited to things requiring 'outward force', such as protecting life, liberty, and material possessions. The proper role of the churches was to provide places of public worship, which men judged 'effectual to the Salvation of their Souls'. The separation benefits both church and state; ensuring freedom of worship and sparing the state disabling religious conflicts.
 
Locke saw churches as voluntary societies. 'No body is born a member of any Church,' he said, and anyone should be free to go if they find their church's doctrines erroneous. While churches can make rules for all those who remain within them, and cast out those who do not follow those rules, Locke thought, their authority extended no further. It was an assertion of free choice, even against the wishes of family or community.
 
A believing Anglican, while Locke describes as 'false and absurd' Catholic and Jewish beliefs, he nevertheless thought they should be tolerated.  [H]e [did not] support tolerating atheists, who could not be trusted to keep their promises. [Note: On this, like any other early writer, Locke lost the plot. Sanjeev]. 
 
the relatively low importance he gives to people holding the 'correct' beliefs remains one of the more radical liberal ideas. Conservative and leftist anti-liberals want people to believe in the 'right' things, whether these are God, country, equality or the environment. Even current demands that we `celebrate diversity', though looking at first glance like toleration, would to Locke's eyes be something quite different. They are an insistence on the shared normative beliefs that Locke thought impossible to enforce. Tolerance is a doctrine about limiting behaviour, and not about warm feelings or pure motives. [Note: I had occasion to explain this to Shantanu on his blog when he asked that tolerance should mean respect for others' beliefs. I disagree vehemently. I may not respect your beliefs, but I do tolerate you nevertheless so long as you don't directly harm me. Sanjeev]
 
[F]or the West, Locke's Letter is a significant part of its intellectual heritage. 
Continue Reading

John Locke the democrat

A seriously mistaken conception seems to have developed even among those who ought to know better, about John Locke's position on democracy. 

For instance, the Online Library of Liberty notes: "Although it would not be correct to say that Locke favored democracy, he did advocate limits on the power of the sovereign, confining that person's authority to the protection of the individual's natural rights to life, liberty, and property."

The reality is that Locke was writing at a time when anyone who was perceived to be anti-monarchy, or a republican, could well end up in gaol. Kings didn't mind listening to a Hobbes (who is an archetype of a conservative, with very strong liberal principles, as well), but a republican would infuriate them. 

Locke was therefore considerably reserved in all his political writings, preferring anonymity in many cases to being disclosed publicly as a writer. 

This is crucial to remember when contemplating Locke's work. 

Therefore Locke didn't lay out explicitly in one place the case for democracy, but if you read his entire work wholistically, his support for democracy is clear as day. Indeed, he showed that a free society must have all kinds of freedoms – both economic and political; and that both these depended on representation. Classical liberalism therefore includes BOTH economic freedom and democracy. Those who argue that these are separate freedoms don't know what equal freedom means.

The best exposition of his advocacy of democracy is found in Robert Faulkner's "The First Liberal Democrat: Locke's Popular Government" in The Review of Politics, Vol. 63, No. 1 (Winter, 2001), pp. 5-39.

I was hoping to provide key extracts from this article article but am suffering from the most amazingly painful eyestrain and must stop trying to read or write further.
 
 
Let me just type a few words before closing and taking some rest. Locke:
 
– He DETESTED absolute monarchy and wanted a highly constrained and limited executive (consistent with the 1688 Glorious Revolution).
 
– He believed in EQUAL natural rights and equal freedom.
 
– He believed in a government BY CONSENT.
 
– He said clearly that there can be no taxation without representation.
 
– He believed in a supreme legislative (preferring to use this word to "parliament") that made laws which the executive (which could be a king) implemented. The king under no circumstance was to be the legislative 'body' (unlike with Hobbes).
 
– He spoke of the right of MAJORITY rule – to represent consent and the right of the majority to overthrow the government should that be necessary.
 
– He was FULLY AWARE of the long history of development of the British Parliament since before the Magna Carta and did not advocate any overthrow of the parliament.
 
– He advocated checks and balances among the various "directors" of the government – and that diffusion of powers underpins the concept of democracy.
 
For these and many other reasons – clearly articulated in Franklin, Locke must be considered the world's FIRST MAJOR theoretician of modern democracy. Anyone who thinks that Locke was not referring to a democratic legislative system, with an executive that reported TO THE LEGISLATIVE BRANCH of government, does not understand what Locke was trying to achieve. He provided the theoretical framework for the Glorious Revolution, and outlined principles that, taken forward by other classical liberals, helped reform British democracy and economy, and directly influenced the American Revolution.
Continue Reading