Thoughts on economics and liberty

Tag: Equal opportunity

Reservations are incompatible with freedom and justice

Equal freedom is the foundational principle of liberalism. It refers to equal political status which includes equality under the law. In addition, associated with this idea is a (lower order) claim to the social minimum which ensures reasonable equality of opportunity.
Institutional discrimination by Indian socialists
Flowing not from the ideas of freedom and justice but from the confused socialist thinking with concepts such as social justice and ‘justice of yesterday’, the Indian socialists instituted a reservations policy initially meant for ten years but which now shows no signs of ever going away. This policy tries claims to ensure a level playing field for tribes and lower caste Hindus through reverse discrimination!
Yes, Hinduism has had a long-standing practice of caste discrimination. This was one of my reasons to reject Hinduism. (That I reject all religions – not God! – is another story.) But the reservations policy has dealt with caste discrimination in the wrong manner and worsened things for everyone in India.
India thus has a self-contradictory Constitution. On the one hand, Article 15 (1) states: ‘The State shall not discriminate against any citizen on grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex, place of birth or any of them’. But on the other, the Constitution asks the state to discriminate! Schizophrenic! Part XVI splits Indians into the scheduled castes and tribes, and the rest. Each category is then treated differently. Article 335 enables the ‘relaxation in qualifying marks in any examination or lowering the standards of evaluation’ for various classes of citizens.
India’s deeply confused socialist thinking has gone so far down the drain that recently the Rajya Sabha passed the Women’s Reservations Bill as a first step towards the 108th Constitutional Amendment. The Bill aims to reserve thirty three per cent Lok Sabha and state legislative assemblies seats for women! Socialism is going great guns! India has achieved a state of mind where reason no longer works.
Reservations reject equal freedom and justice
Why are reservations wrong? First, by violating the Constitutional mandate (and the minimum expectation of a free society) for a non-discriminatory state, reservations deny equal political status. While sociologists and anthropologists may well survey and research tribal and caste issues, the Indian government should recognize only one category of citizen: the Indian.
Second, reservations violate justice (note that I always refer to individual justice, there being no meaningful conception of ‘social’ justice). By constitutionally denying the primacy of merit in the public sphere, the reservations policy perpetrates grave injustice on those who had nothing personally to do with caste discrimination. If anyone discriminates, by all means have a law to investigate and individually punish the person, but it is totally improper to blacklist everyone who is not a ‘scheduled’ caste or tribe or (now) female.
It is morally obnoxious and intolerable for a government to harm innocents in order to (allegedly) ‘set right’ the wrongs that some people long dead might have committed. Two wrongs never make a right.
This immoral socialist policy has so deeply harmed our psyche that people today clamour tobe called “backward”! There is no better sign of the moral depravation of this policy than this, that an erstwhile proud people now want to be known as backward!
Indeed, by recognizing castes and tribes in the Constitution, we have increased caste-based discrimination, and made it much harder for Hindu social reformers to address this social evil. As a result, today our voters know their politicians not though policies but through caste.
In a free society all social issues must be addressed by the relevant social group (in this case the Hindus). Thus Ambedkar, the brilliant low caste Hindu scholar, addressed discrimination by rejecting Hinduism and joining Buddhism. Such mass exodus could prompt reform, but now no lower caste person has any incentive to leave, such juicy positions are on offer if you remain backward!
Personally, I would suggest an exodus to reason, but whatever strategy social reformers choose, a government has clearly no business to get involved.
Similarly, better representation of women in parliaments should be advanced by political parties, not by governments. Sweden doesn’t reserve seats for women but its political parties have a norm by which 50 per cent of their candidates are women. As a result, women now constitute 45 per cent of Swedish parliamentarians. It is clear that the solution is for India’s political parties (particularly those hankering for this reservations bill!) to inner party reform, not for the government to enact this grossly inappropriate Bill.
Governments should ensure equal freedom
A government should focus on ensuring reasonable equal opportunity for all without reducing equal political status or violating individual justice. It is quite likely that in playing a neutral role (detailed below) focused solely on freedom and justice, a government will also indirectly achieve social reform.
a) Prohibit discrimination in public office
The government should set minimum standards of behaviour and punish those who violate these standards in relation to public positions. Thus, an Equal Opportunity Act can ‘enforce everyone’s right to equality of opportunity,’ by eliminating, ‘as far as possible, discrimination against people by prohibiting discrimination on the basis of various attributes’[1] in relation to public office. This law would clarify and enforce Articles 15 and 16 of the Constitution.
b) Enforce the rule of law
The government should enforce the rule of law equally, without fear or favour. Apart from ensuring that all government decisions are made on merit, this will also mean that a government can never ask us questions about our religion or caste. These are private matters.
c) Ensure reasonable equality of opportunity
Finally, the government should ensure that poverty is eliminated and all children receive high quality education to age 18 or twelfth standard, whichever comes first. This will involve a total reform of the school education system on the lines I had proposed in the July 2009 issue of Freedom First. I expect these reforms will take three years to take effect (details in Breaking Free of Nehru).
Transitional arrangements
Taking things from the current state to the new state will need transitional arrangements, particularly given our socialist frameworks and virtually non-existent equality of opportunity. The current reservation system should therefore continue as is until the government ensures high quality education for all children and eliminates poverty. Such reforms, once the people’s mandate is received, will take three years. After that is done, all reservations must go.
Let us work towards the day when governments in India will see us as Indians (and only as Indians), and enable the best man or woman win in every field. No longer should we encourage the shameful desire by some Indians to be called ‘backward’! Let’s all go forward, not backward.

Freedom Team of India

The Freedom Team of India (FTI) (http://freedomteam.in/) is looking for leaders to bring freedom and good governance to India. Each month through my article I invite my readers to either join FTI or to support it (for instance, as Freedom Partners, and financially). There is a lot of angst building up in India. Let us not delay any longer the political movement for freedom that India desperately needs.

By Sanjeev Sabhlok, published in Freedom First, October 2010

[1] This is a paraphrase of the objectives of the Victorian Government’s Equal Opportunity Act.

 

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The dangerous idea of equality

Here are extracts from BFN about the dangerous aspiration for equality. This is a quick cut and paste without footnotes and referencing. The actual text can be readily accessed. But first a short (one and half minute) video from Youtube by Milton Friedman:

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The real choice before us today is between the two western models of governance – socialism or capitalism; between the life-denying concept of equality and the life-sustaining concept of freedom. Even if we don’t care about the philosophy of freedom, pragmatism would lead us to the more successful model. Capitalism is dramatically successful, just as socialism is dramatically unsuccessful. 

But there are far more important and compelling reasons to follow the path of freedom. Of these, delivering a society based on ethics and morality ranks the highest. Despite the noble intentions of its practitioners, socialism is immoral and destroys the moral fabric of entire societies. Freedom, on the other hand, delivers the highest ethical values and creates for each individual a level playing field by providing equality of opportunity through which the individual is enabled to discover his or her talents and achieve his or her highest potential. While the individual is the moral centre of a free society, the society is the immoral centre of a socialist one. Freedom is about far more important things than economic success, although a poor country like India should welcome its merits on that ground alone.

But at times, markets challenge us emotionally as they appear to be heartless. We are not comfortable with the outcomes of a free market which we may reluctantly agree produces great wealth, but which we find also results in increased inequality. We tend to see inequality as fundamentally wrong, even though we know that every individual will actually become much better off in a free market than he or she is today. 
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I wonder, though, about the hypocrisy behind our alleged preference for equality. Gandhi once asked some socialists who had come to visit him, ‘Now tell me how many of you have servants in your homes?’ The socialists Gandhi was talking to said they had a servant in each home. Gandhi replied, ‘And you call yourself Socialists while you make others slave for you! It is a queer kind of Socialism which, I must say, I cannot understand’.  If we genuinely wanted everyone to have exactly the same income, why do we bargain so hard with our poor garbage pickers and maidservants and pay them only the market rate? And if bargains of this sort are good for us (it being a free market for the services of these poor people), why are these negotiations bad for the society as a whole? 
 
I will show that not only has equality no real content, but that it is dangerous. On the other hand, I will show that equality of opportunity is a critical requirement for a free society, and helps us to eliminate poverty.
 

The Problem with Equality

Everyone knows that 2 = 2; a trivial equality. Its use in driving our life’s goals is very limited in consequence, for it is merely a tautology – a statement which uses words to pointlessly say the same thing. What does it matter if two equals two? What can we derive from it? 
 
Similarly, economic equality among people is neither here nor there; a trivial curiosity. Attaching an ‘equal to’ sign between our incomes (or wealth) does not add any significance to our lives; it doesn’t say whether we are free, whether we are experiencing a high quality of life, whether our children are likely to succeed. If two people achieve equal income through the free markets it is of no import; it is a mere statistical coincidence. 
 
The key question that we need to ask is: did these two people get to function in a free society with equality of opportunity? If they were provided with an equal opportunity then their equal outcome is unexceptionable; albeit coincidental. The more common, and expected, outcome of a free market, though, is a vast increase in individual wealth accompanied by significant inequality among individuals, noting that this inequality does not remain static. Unlike in a feudal society, the level of economic inequality as well as the persons who are wealthy or poor changes dramatically with time in a free society. The children of workers can become far richer than the children of people who are rich today, depending on how diligently they apply themselves.
 
The key driver of a free society is justice. Our economic worth is a function of justice, not some tautological concept like equality. While our lives have infinite intrinsic worth and we are all equal in the eyes of law, our economic worth must be determined in the market by the balance between the demand and supply for the services we provide. We may find ourselves ‘valued’ by the market on the basis of our beautiful voice that people like to hear, our philosophy that people enjoy reading about, or because of a drug we invented to save people’s lives. In each case, the fair and just price for our service is what is negotiated and agreed to in a free market. 
 
Where wealth of any sort is acquired by trading our services in the marketplace in this manner, where all trades make the parties to the trade better off, there all outcomes of these trades are just, and therefore morally superior, irrespective of the society’s Gini coefficients and Lorenz curves.  Equality is not an issue that is considered even in the passing in a free society; justice drives all understandings. Indeed, honestly acquired wealth is virtuous wealth; it must be applauded through a standing ovation. Each great singer, each great philosopher, each great inventor, and each business leader becomes rich by his or her own effort; each of them is worthy of that wealth. Who cares whether that creates inequality in society? Why should the inequality created by Lata Mangeshkar’s voice bother anyone?
 
And yet equality is relevant in a free society, at the commencement of the ‘race’. Everyone must be given a similar opportunity to run, to sing, to invent, or to play. But at the end of the race, only the best athlete, singer, inventor, or tennis player must win. The effort put in by an individual and his contribution being perceived as valuable by others tells us about the justness and morality of the acquisition of wealth. That is very important. For instance, wealth acquired through corruption is not just, and is therefore immoral. John Ruskin  said that ‘the beneficialness of the inequality depends, first, on the methods by which it was accomplished; and, secondly, on the purposes to which it is applied’. On Ruskin’s second point, we note two things:
  • We note that the very process of generation of inequality through ethical trades is beneficial. We, the consumers, benefit through the products made by hard working innovative people. Most of us will find purposeful employment through jobs that such people create.
  • Second, if left to their own devices, many wealthy people promote the arts and sciences as well as other forms of philanthropy. They don’t have to do so, though, since they have contributed enough if their wealth was acquired through ethical trades.
Inequality is not the same as poverty. Extreme poverty diminishes our capacity to act freely and reduces equality of opportunity. A free society needs to take strong action against poverty. On the other hand, even the most extreme inequality does not in any way diminish anyone’s freedom if all people are well above the poverty line. In the USA or Australia, which are relatively freer than India, some people are extremely rich, but most are at least well-to-do. 
 
Therefore India must banish poverty if it wishes to be free. Reducing inequality on the other hand, is neither here nor there; it is but idle talk for a few jealous people who are afraid to put in the hard work needed to succeed. Indeed, each of us must aspire to be dramatically unequal to others; to be rich, to be happy, to be great! A free society doesn’t countenance these utterly feeble ambitions of equality. It teaches its children to be great, to be better than others in every way; not to seek trivial equality with others. And the way a free society encourages infinite ambition in the minds of its children is by way of its government completely getting out of the way! 
 
Indeed, equality should be banished from our list of priorities because it is extremely dangerous. Equality is not an innocuous concept – something to be had if we can: ‘And oh, yes, by the way, can I get a glass of equality with two spoons of sugar?’ Equality invariably takes us on the path to perdition. It is a poison that allures us with a strangely beautiful fragrance; but a society that drinks of it will be racked by endless pain; its members will lose their intellectual prowess and die an early death. Its people will multiply like flies; its rulers will be cruel and rapacious. Anyone who is sane and healthy flees a society where equality has poisoned the minds of its leaders.
 
The reason equality is dangerous is because the only mechanism available to us to create genuine equality is to redistribute wealth, not to create it. That can only be done by plundering those who are richer than us. But to steal and plunder is violation of the fundamental principles of freedom; it is an attack on our life itself. It is a crime no matter whether it is committed by an ordinary robber or an elected prime minister. 
 
And therefore economic equality is associated only with those political ideologies which oppose freedom and which disrespect life; ideologies that do not hesitate to violently coerce others to cough up their property. The main such ideology, of socialism, aims to abolish property rights and vest all property in the state. But there is only one way to abolish property: through the use of force. Hence, socialists do not hesitate to decapitate the rich or otherwise threaten them with state-controlled violence to grab their property. 
 
Indeed, property is anathema to socialists because of its dangerous disease of equality. If they could, they wouldn’t allow anyone to even own a pen, for even a pen or paint-brush can spew unbelievable wealth. Socialists probably hate J K Rowling with all their heart for creating Harry Potter, and Pablo Picasso for making his paintings. And they almost certainly hate Lata Mangeshkar with all their might; if they could, they would rip out her vocal chords to stop her from getting rich. The great problem from the socialists’ perspective is that no matter how hard they divest us of property and force us to become equal, then put us together inside a box, lock the box and throw away the key, inequality always springs out like Houdini – strong and triumphant. 
 
Their problem is that the aspiration to be unequal to others, to be richer than others, to be faster and healthier than others, is unique to the human species, and cannot be abolished. Each of us spends a lifetime yearning for greater wealth, wanting to be at least equal if not better off than our neighbours. We seek the best jobs; we want to look smart and dress up in flashy clothes; we want to drive around in a fancy Porsche. Just look at the craze for lotteries – the millions of people who plunk their hard earned money into the dream of inequality; the dream of becoming richer than others. Even those who seek God seek to be selected by God ahead of others; they want to achieve nirvana before countless other lesser qualified souls. Inequality is our deepest ambition; no amount of socialism will rid us of it. Only some silly politicians seem to want such equality, but even they actually yearn to be our rulers and to be remembered by others. Stalin and Mao were not interested in equality of fame – they ruthlessly destroyed their competitors in order to remain the rulers, and as to wealth, their wealth was unlimited. Even Nehru’s family’s wealth is not equal to others; its scale is unknown, but it is nowhere near the per capita income of an 
Indian. Socialist Ministers grab money with both hands and build untold wealth their family has never seen before.
 
Since inequality is like a starfish whose arms grow back no matter how many times they are cut off, a socialist society has no choice but to continuously plunder. The socialist society must also tell people what to produce. Picasso must be licensed to produce any painting at all; and then he is to be given a quota on how many paintings to produce. Having done that, the socialist society then has to take away his paintings so that he cannot become rich. 
 
The socialist society has an impossible task laid out for it. Starting with an abundant faith in the idea of equality, it degenerates rapidly; its leaders fight among themselves and often kill each other; its people finally rebel against the decadence and corruption they see around themselves, as they did in the erstwhile USSR, and they will do in India upon reading this book (!). In fact this book itself is a rebellion against the much milder, but equally problematic Nehruvian socialism. Socialism comes to grief in the end for what we really crave for is freedom; not equality.
 
We could, under a distasteful counterfactual scenario, be persuaded to tolerate the ideology of equality could it be demonstrated to unequivocally increase our wealth to an astounding level – well beyond what free-market capitalism routinely generates. But socialism fails bitterly on this front, too. Human beings are not robots. We work hard to generate wealth only if we are free to think, free to produce what we wish to produce, and free to keep the rewards of our efforts. Creativity and innovation decline precipitously under socialism; socialism impoverishes entire societies and makes it hard for them to recoup their energies for decades. India’s example is in front of us, but there are many worse examples. When the Soviet Union tried to collectivize its agriculture in order to make each farmer ‘equal’, it quickly came on to its knees. The entire Soviet Union could not produce enough to feed itself. Tens of thousands perished of starvation. Its mighty armed force and secret service (KGB) were able to compel its scientists, under close observation, to produce, or rather, to steal the design of weapons and spacecraft, but until its end the socialist USSR could not produce enough bread for its people. 
 
Taken to the extreme, as with the (erstwhile) Soviet Union, Maoist China, or Naxalites, socialism physically assaults and kills people. Millions of people have been murdered by Marx’s equality-driven ideology over the twentieth century. If we add to this the far more numerous indirect killings –namely deaths through hunger and preventable disease arising from socialist mismanagement in countries like India – then the number of people killed in the cause of equality runs into the hundreds of millions; possibly a couple of billions. Equality is not a hot cup of coffee that we may order if available. It is deadly poison. Once this disease of equality infects somebody’s mind, the consequences for that society can become extremely bad. People infected by equality are infinitely more dangerous than those who go berserk and shoot people at random. Equality is as bad as religious fundamentalism in its disastrous consequences for society.
 
Socialist countries are also some of the most unequal, the difference being that their inequality is derived from corruption and the misuse of power, and is therefore immoral inequality. Corrupt politicians in India have misused socialist controls to acquire untold wealth and create great immoral inequality in India. Our socialist ministers never hesitate to loot even those public funds intended to assist the poor. I talk about this from personal experience, including one involving a Chief Minister. 
 
Plunder need not be pursued through physical coercion alone. It can be more sophisticated, such as under the guise of ‘welfare’ socialism. One of the most apt descriptions of socialism comes from Frédéric Bastiat (1801–50) who fought Karl Marx’s ideas tooth and nail even in Marx’s time. Unfortunately Bastiat died very young. It is possible that if he had he lived longer the world might have been saved from the killing fields of socialism. Bastiat noted in 1850 that: 
 
[L]egal plunder can be committed in an infinite number of ways. Thus we have an infinite number of plans for organizing it: tariffs, protection, benefits, subsidies, encouragements, progressive taxation,  public schools, guaranteed jobs, guaranteed profits, minimum wages, a right to relief, a right to the tools of labour, free credit, and so on, and so on. All these plans as a whole – with their common aim of legal plunder – constitute socialism. 
 
The message for us is simple – be extremely wary of anyone who preaches equality. You never know when this person is going to shut your mouth, steal your wealth and property, and kill you and your children. There are some Indians who ‘accept’ equality as a good thing if it happens by itself. Such people are merely misguided for statistical equality is meaningless and can never be ‘good’ in isolation of the reality of that society. But if someone genuinely believes in equality, then run for your life as fast as you can! Freedom is as basic to us as life itself. Equality is simply nowhere in that league. It is a curiosity for economists who idle their time making Lorenz doodles. To consider even slightly diminishing our freedom in order to promote equality is like throwing away a priceless pearl necklace and picking up a slithering, poisonous snake to hang around our neck, instead; a snake that will bite us while we are sound asleep.
 
And yet, socialism will always remains tantalizingly hypnotic to people who have not understood the magic of free markets and equality of opportunity. By painting a rosy but false picture of the world, socialism ensnares children every day and continues to have a vast following among those children who never grew up. The arguments of capitalism require enormous critical thinking since the invisible hand is actually invisible! Not being a socialist is hard work for our brains. I will try to make the invisible hand a bit more visible in this book so that more of us can see through the great pitfalls of socialism. 
 
But one need not be ashamed of having been a supporter of equality sometime in our life. The disease of equality strikes almost everyone once, like chickenpox. I too caught this disease momentarily during one of my early years in university. Who isn’t fascinated by an ideal world where all of us are somehow blissfully equally competent and equally resourced? Some residual virus of this disease remained in my head until as recently as 1995 when, during my mid-career PhD studies, I expressed concern about economic inequality among nations in one of my term papers. What I should been have concerned about, instead, was about the self-inflicted poverty of nations like India which insist on being poor despite the prescriptions for wealth being available off the shelf. 
 
There is a strong leftist bent in most academic discourse which arises largely from desktop academics who never grew up; never got rid of their chicken pox. They have a dreamy-eyed view of politicians, bureaucrats, armed forces and the police. These academics project their own virtuous feelings about other human beings on government functionaries; and in doing so they make a fatal blunder. The good thing about Nehruvian socialism is that being a less extreme form of socialism than Russian communism, it has probably inoculated us. Once India fully recovers from its socialist fever and its head clears up, it should remain free of equality and socialism forever, unlike Russia which may yet revert to communism once again.
 
The thing we really want when we talk of equality is the eradication of poverty. That also remains a matter closest to my heart; and it is to a discussion of removal of poverty that I will now turn to. Just a brief comment first – poverty cannot be eliminated unless we foster conditions which create great wealth and great inequality. We need sufficient numbers of extremely rich people whom we can tap into, both as taxpayers and high calibre experts, to help us banish poverty.

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The social minimum – a running analysis

This is a place for me to 'park' some of my thoughts on the social minimum. This material will ultimately be incorporated into DOF or otherwise refined/published; or deleted.

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Journal of Political Economy, Feb 2010. How Well Does the US Social Insurance System Provide Social Insurance? Working paper:

“From the point of view of insurance, there seem to me to be two compelling theoretical
arguments for having the State rather than the market provide a wide range of insurance, for
old-age pensions, disability and sickness, unemployment and low income: the first is that the
market handles adverse selection badly. The second is that, even if adverse selection were
not important, people should take out insurance at an age when they are incapable of doing
so rationally, namely zero.” – Mirrlees (1995, p. 384) – cited above

Plus: "labor income is not easily insured because it is partly under an individual’s control by the choice of unobserved effort or unobserved labor hours and because a component of labor income risk is realized at a young age" ("One standard rationale is the provision of insurance for risks that are not easily insured in private markets."). Note that in my view this is not quite right (see my dissertation). Even after social insurance there remain a NUMBER OF RISKS that are not insurable in the marketplace. Hence people have children.

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I have not simply quoted Hayek. I talk of the ENTIRE classical liberal tradition. There is not one thinker in the classical liberal tradition who could be demonstrated to be an opponent of the social minimum. Note classical means the ORIGINAL thinkers on liberty. These include Locke, etc. whom I've cited extensively in DOF.

Your interpretation of Hayek is also partly correct. He talk about 'a certain level of wealth' as a precondition of the social minimum. In "Law Legislation and Liberty" he makes the following points: (I'm typing these since the book is not available online)

– "The problem here is chiefly the fate of those who for various reasons cannot make their living in the market, such as the sick, the old, the physically or mentally defective, the widows and orphans – that is all people suffering from adverse conditions which may affect anyone and against which most individuals cannot alone make adequate provision bu in which a society that has reached a certain level of wealth can afford to provide for all." p.54-55, vol.3

But he also writes: ‘developed capitalist market systems have no need for government maintenance of a social minimum’.[1]


[1] DiQuattro, paraphrasing Hayek, Arthur DiQuattro, ‘Rawls versus Hayek’, in Political Theory, Vol. 14, No. 2, (May, 1986), p. 309, referring to Friedrich August Hayek’s 1978 New Studies in Philosophy, Politics, Economics and the History of Ideas.

 

Thus contradicting himself (if only a rich society can have a social minimum but the rich society should not have a social minimum!).

Note that he is not 'rigid' about such a level. Indeed, that can't be upto him but to each society to decide. I am personally comfortable that India has that "certain level of wealth" to ensure a social minimum. Further:

– "It has been this market mechanism which has created the increase of aggregate income, which has also made it possible to provide outside the market for the support of those unable to earn enough" (p.139, vol2)

Hayek, at minute 4.38 onwards of the above tape, elaborating on the social minimum.

‘There can be no doubt that some minimum of food, shelter and clothing, sufficient to preserve health and capacity for work, can be assured to everybody’ (in The Road to Serfdom).

in his 1973 Wincott Memorial Lecture[1] he wrote: ‘We can of course in a free society provide a floor below which nobody need fall, by providing outside the market for all some insurance against misfortune.


[1] (1973) entitled, "Economic Freedom and Representative Government" published by IEA, p. 17.

– "It is certainly possible to take entirely out of the market process those who cannot adequately maintain themselves on the market and support them by means set aside for the purpose. For a person at the beginning of an uncertain career, and for his children, it might even be perfectly rational to agree that all should insure for a minimum of sustenance in such an eventuality." (He does note that this is going to be hard to implement) p.142 vol 2.

– [Among general obligations and rules in a society] "There can be a general obligation to render assistance in case of need towards a circumscribed group of fellow-men" (p.146 vol.2)

– "Combined with the provision of cushioning the risk by providing outside the market a uniform minimum income for all those who for some reason are unable to earn at least that much in the market." p.142 vol. 3

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"Once you have accepted this and this part is incorporated as the foundation of our social minimum policy, I am fine"

No. I do not accept it; I merely said that Hayek's 'principle' (which is not a 'principle' but an ad hoc assessment with no foundation in the theory of the social contract) does not deny the possibilty of social minimum in India.

Note two things, though:
a) that I do not advocate the NIT scheme in isolation of the facts. I believe a social insurance scheme will actually possibly be cheaper than what India squanders today in the name of the poor. This is a pratical matter not linked to the theory: just an assessment.

b) I include the social minimum as a SECOND ORDER function, to be undertaken after the first order functions are performed well. In other words, it is linked to the social contract in the sense that the contract agrees to implement it ONLY AFTER the first order functions have been fully and well implemented.

This may well sound similar to what Hayek is saying but it is different because I claim that a sustainable FREE SOCIETY social contract (which Hayek doesn't talk about since he comes to his theory of liberty from a slightly – not very – different angle to mine) must include provision for a social minimum, irrespective of its 'level of wealth'. It should be stated as a function of its having performed its core functions properly first. It is, in other words, a contingent agreement; not contingent on its level of wealth but on its having provided defence and justice first.

I'd like to briefly trace the evolution of the social minimum:

In a hunting-gathering society everyone is automatically insured (e.g. see a wonderful study by an anthropologist who lived with hunter gatherers for two weeks in Africa – the study was published in last month's National Geographic). As Pugh notes (cited in Hayek for a different purpose): "within primitive human society 'sharing' is a way of life … The sharing is not limited to food, but extends to all kinds of resources." (p.161 vol.3). Such practices continue in all tribal societies that are semi-agricultural (e.g.jhum cultivators). There is therefore implicit and automatic social insurance. Indeed there is pretty much equality.

When the society became agricultural and develops the rudiments of freedom, with property rights, tribal customs mostly continue, but in a different form and shape. Because the village is a small unit, close personal monitoring of the others' efforts allows those unlucky to become poor (but who put inthe right level of effort) to broadly rely on direct charity from the better off farmers within the community to prevent distress. In India the jajmani system followed in many villages is an excellent example. That system largely prevents starvation even though extreme poverty continues to occur.

However, as these societies dissolve (and such dissolution is known as modern civilisation) leading to enormous social mobility, these charitable links become extremely weak and do not retain an value (e.g. in small towns/big cities).However, the modern free society also becomes many times wealthier virtually instantly compared to what it was in the past, because of its use of markets.

Thus, even with its terrible policies for most of the last century my very rough calculations show that every person in India today is about 5 times wealthier, on average, than an Indian in 1900. This could easily have been 15 times had the policies adopted since 1991 been adopted in 1900, or even 1950. (Note that an average person living in the West increases his personal wealth about 7 times in every 100 years).

I believe that the moment a society becomes a free society (and I'm not talking of socialist contracts such as India's), it can literally in a few years of its commencement start providing insurance for those who can't cope with the market. That increases social mobility without increasing social distress. The market is extremely powerful and creates wealth virtually overnight. Let us not forget that my theory is applicable to FREE INDIA, not to socialist India.

Addendum

Friedman allows for policies similar to those that I said this line of thought might lead to. But he does this on grounds other than the one I was considering. He suggests that public funding of education can be justified on the ground that education is a public good with “neighborhood effects,” and says that that if we are distressed by having very poor people around then alleviating poverty is also a public good. (Capitalism and Freedom, pp. 89, 191.) He also advocates a scheme of funding for vocational and professional training in order to rectify the underinvestment in human capital. (p. 105–107) These arguments, which do not appeal to the value, for individuals, of having a greater range of choices, are in contrast to the position of James Buchanan, whom I should have mentioned in this regard. He holds that just institutions would include public funding for education, and a tax on transfers of wealth between generations, because these are required to ensure that those born into poor families are not excluded from a “fair chance to play.” (Liberty, Market, and the State, pp. 133–136) Buchanan’s line of thinking is much closer to one I had in mind. But it is not, I take it, standard among libertarians. [Source]

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Educating our children: A free market in schools

(This article of mine was published in the July 2009 issue of Freedom First.)

In the May 2009 issue of Freedom First I suggested that in addition to ensuring defence, internal security and justice, the free society must commit to equality of opportunity (EO). Delivering EO requires removing discriminatory obstacles to achieving public office, ensuring a good universal school education system, and guaranteeing a social minimum.

School education as a key element of equal opportunity

No child’s future should be jeopardized because its parents happen to be poor. We must guarantee good school education (including vocational training, where appropriate) to all children who want to study to year 12 (or age 18). Twelve years of education has now become a minimum given the complexity of technology that must be mastered in order to become a productive member of society. Such education will generate an enormous economic dividend for India through positive externalities including social capital formation.

In this article I outline how we can successfully deliver high quality school education at a relatively modest cost to the taxpayer (details are available in my book, Breaking Free of Nehru, Anthem Press, 2008).

A fully privatised school system

Children from rural areas or slums cannot even dream of equal opportunity today. These luckless children are destined for a lifetime of failure by the inefficiencies and corruption entrenched in our government school sector. The best these children can hope for is to get some patchy education in government schools where such schools exist (many government schools are found only on paper, or teachers are paid without attending school).

But why does a government need to operate schools? Managing a school is a hands-on exercise, much like managing a business, and governments are terrible at managing anything that must deliver value. Government officials and teachers have little or no incentive to deliver world-class education at the lowest possible cost. In comparison, the private sector can only survive if it delivers value for money. Therefore, parents who can afford it, prefer to send their children to private schools.

Governments are also unusually soft on their own failures. A Director of School Education in a state government will demand stringent standards from private schools even as he ignores the shoddy education provided by the government’s own schools. Governments should therefore not directly manage schools. However, they could regulate school standards, noting that self-regulation by a body of experts is the preferred way for such a task.

As a first step, our governments should stop building, owning, and maintaining schools. That would include an end to the appointment of lakhs of school teachers, an activity that is a source of great corruption and favouritism. School assets (bundled with a long-term lease on the school’s land) should be auctioned to educational consortiums that are at least partially owned by local teachers and residents. I have suggested a transitional mechanism for this in my book that will protect existing teachers.

This will immediately ensure that the incentives of school managers are better aligned to the needs of the local community. Further, the lands and buildings belonging to schools will also be much better maintained and utilised.

Customised vouchers for each child

Privatisation is only the first part of this model. Parental choice is the other part. School education vouchers would be issued by the government for each child and mailed out to parents. Children of poor parents would be issued high-value vouchers. Rich parents will not get any vouchers. The lower economic classes may get vouchers, depending on how much it costs to deliver good education. All parents would thus be empowered to send their children to almost any school they want to. All they would need to do is to pay a top-up amount over and above the value of the voucher.

Under the current model, government schools receive funds unrelated to the size or nature of their enrolment(s) or educational outcome(s). In the new model, they would get money based on a reimbursement of vouchers. They would therefore need to enrol as many children as they can. They will have to go out and literally beg the poorer parents – such as the parents of child labourers – to send their children to school. Where necessary, schools would provide a breakfast for these children: anything to ensure that parents agree to send their children to school. Enrolment rates would therefore shoot through the roof.

Second, schools would need to ensure that the children they have enrolled achieve the required educational standards. Only then will they be able to invoice the government against these vouchers. The more the number of children these schools enrol and pass out at an agreed, independently tested standard, the more the money they will receive.

Note that through high-value vouchers for poor parents, schools in economically backward areas will be able to afford high salaries for teachers and potentially attract even better teachers than schools in wealthy urban areas. Good schools would thus emerge in rural areas and slums for the first time in India’s history. This would dramatically increase both the quality of education and competition in the school market. Very little central planning or quality control will be needed as the market will sort out good schools from the bad. (A self-regulating body of school experts would help.)

Above all, the preferences of parents in selecting the right school for their children will be honoured, and who can be a greater well wisher of a child than its parents?

Raising money for the vouchers

It is true that defence, police, and justice must take first priority for any government. However, universal high quality school education must receive a high priority as well. The system outlined above will not cost too much because the current funds allocated to tertiary education would be shifted entirely to school education. In the tertiary education sector, students would be asked to pay their fees through loans issued by the government (I’ll talk more about this topic in a separate article).

Second, funds needed beyond that could be raised through capital markets as a long-term investment loan. This should be easy, given that there is nothing in any society that yields higher returns on investment than good school education. Third, schools will be permitted to use their land and buildings for commercial purposes after school hours, thus using their assets more productively and keeping the fees in check.

A free market in schools of the sort described above is guaranteed to deliver high quality education – as guaranteed to succeed as India’s current socialist method is guaranteed to fail. There is an open and shut case for change.

Freedom Team of India

Sadly, this simple and effective model will remain a pipedream since ruling politicians in India currently use the school education system almost purely to ‘mint money’ for themselves. Education is simply not their goal. Money making is. To implement such a system liberals will need a mandate from the people of India to form an ethical, liberal government. The Freedom Team of India (http://freedomteam.in) is pushing ahead in that direction. I would encourage you to find out more about the Team.

Addendum

A new RCT look at educational vouchers From Matthew M. Chingos and Paul E. Peterson (pdf):

In the first study using a randomized experiment to measure the impact of school vouchers on college enrollment, we examine the college-going behavior through 2011 of students who participated in a voucher experiment as elementary school students in the late 1990s. We find no overall impacts on college enrollments but we do find large, statistically significant positive impacts on the college going of African American students who participated in the study. Our estimates indicate that using a voucher to attend private school increased the overall college enrollment rate among African Americans by 24 percent.

Private Schooling In India: Results from a Randomized Trial
by Alex Tabarrok on February 5, 2014

THERE IS NOT THE SLIGHTEST CASE TO HAVE A SINGLE GOVERNMENT SCHOOL

"private schools achieved equal or better outcomes at one-third the cost"

ADDENDUM

More evidence that all schools should be free schools

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