Thoughts on economics and liberty

Category: Philosophy

THE SEARCH FOR TRUTH BY MEANS OF THE NATURAL LIGHT – Descartes

Word | PDF  [Refer to this]

La Recherche de la Write par la lumiere naturelle

This light alone, without any help from religion or philosophy, determines what opinions a good man should hold on any matter that may occupy his thoughts, and penetrates into the secrets of the most recondite sciences.

A good man is not required to have read every book or diligently mastered everything taught in the Schools. It would, indeed, be a kind of defect in his education if he had spent too much time on hook-learning. Having many other things to do in the course of his life, he must judiciously measure out his time so as to reserve the better part of it for performing good actions — the actions which his own reason would have to teach him if he learned everything from it alone. But he came into the world in ignorance, and since the knowledge which he had as a child was based solely on the weak foundation of the senses and the authority of his teachers, it was virtually inevitable that his imagination should be filled with innumerable false thoughts before reason could guide his conduct. So later on he needs to have very great natural talent, or else the instruction of a wise teacher, in order to rid himself of the bad doctrines that have filled his mind, to lay the foundations for a solid science, and to discover all the ways in which he can raise his knowledge to the highest level that it can possibly attain.

I intend in this work to explain these matters. I shall bring to light the true riches of our souls, opening up to each of us the means whereby we can find within ourselves, without any help from anyone else, all the knowledge we may need for the conduct of life, and the means of using it in order to acquire all the most abstruse items of knowledge that human reason is capable of possessing.

But in case the grandeur of my plan should immediately fill your minds with so much wonder as to leave no room for belief, I must tell you that what I am undertaking is not so difficult as one might imagine. For the items of knowledge that lie within reach of the human mind are all linked together by a bond so marvellous, and can be derived from each other by means of inferences so necessary, that their discovery does not require much skill or intelligence — provided we begin with the simplest and know how to move stage by stage to the most sublime. In what follows I shall try to explain this by means of a chain of reasoning which is so clear and accessible to all that anybody who has not reached the same conclusions earlier will blame his failure to do so simply on the fact that he did not cast his eyes in the right direction and fix his thoughts on the matters that I considered. And I shall not deserve any more glory for having made these discoveries than a passer-by would deserve for having accidentally stumbled upon some rich treasure for which many persons had previously conducted a diligent but unsuccessful search.

I am surprised, indeed, that amongst so many exceptional minds, much better equipped than I to carry out this task, none have had the patience to pick their way through the difficulties. Instead they have nearly all acted like travellers who leave the main path to take a shortcut, only to find themselves lost amongst briars and precipices.

But I do not wish to consider what others have known or not known. I am content to observe that even if all the knowledge that can be desired were contained in books, the good things in them would be mingled with so many useless things, and scattered haphazardly through such a pile of massive tomes, that we should need more time for reading them than our present life allows, and more intelligence for picking out the useful material than would be required for discovering it on our own.

This makes me hope that you will be happy to find here an easier path. I hope too that the truths I set forth will not be any less well received for their not being derived from Aristotle or Plato, and that they will have currency in the world in the same way as money, whose value is no less when it comes from the purse of a peasant than when it comes from a bank. Moreover I have done my best to make these truths equally useful to everybody. I could find no style better suited to this end than that of a conversation in which several friends, frankly and without ceremony, disclose the best of their thoughts to each other. Thus let us imagine that Eudoxus, a man of moderate intellect but possessing a judgement which is not corrupted by any false beliefs and a reason which retains all the purity of its nature, is visited in his country home by two friends whose minds are among the most outstanding and inquiring of our time. One of them, Polyander, has never studied at all, while the other, Epistemon, has a detailed knowledge of everything that can be learned in the Schools. Leaving to your imagination their other conversations as well as their surroundings (from which, however, I shall frequently have them take examples in order to make their thoughts clearer), I shall now present them introducing the topic which will occupy them throughout these two books.

Polyander I consider you very fortunate to have found all those fine things in the Greek and Latin literature. Indeed, it seems to me that if I had studied as much as you, I should have been as different from my present self as the angels are from you. I cannot forgive the folly of my parents for believing that the pursuit of learning enfeebles the spirit, and for sending me to court and into the army at such an early age, and I shall regret my ignorance for the rest of my life if I do not learn anything through my association with you.

Epistemon The best thing I can tell you on this topic is that the desire for knowledge, which is common to all men, is an illness which cannot be cured, for curiosity grows with learning. But because the defects in the soul trouble a person only in so far as he becomes aware of them, you have an advantage over us in that, unlike us, you do not notice all the many things which you lack.

Eudoxus Is it possible, Epistemon, that you, with all your learning, are persuaded that nature can contain a malady so universal without also providing a remedy for it? For my part, just as I think that each land has enough fruits and rivers to satisfy the hunger and thirst of all its inhabitants, so too I think that enough truth can be known in each subject to satisfy amply the curiosity of orderly souls. The body of a person suffering from dropsy is no further removed from its proper condition than is the mind of someone who is perpetually tormented by an insatiable curiosity.

Epistemon I have, indeed, heard that our desire cannot naturally extend to matters which appear to us to be impossible, and that it ought not to extend to those which are evil or useless. But there are so many things to be known which seem to us possible and which are not only good and pleasant but also very necessary for the conduct of our actions; and I cannot believe that anyone ever knows so much that he cannot have good reasons to desire to know more.

Eudoxus What will you say of me, then, if I assure you that I no longer feel any passion to learn anything at all. I am as happy with what little knowledge I have as ever Diogenes was in his barrel, and this without having any need for his philosophy.[1] For my neighbours’ knowledge does not limit mine in the way that their fields form the boundaries of my small property. And my mind, having at its disposal all the truths it comes across, does not dream there are others to discover. Instead it enjoys the same tranquillity as would a king if his country were so isolated and cut off from others that he imagined there was nothing beyond his frontiers but infertile deserts and uninhabitable mountains.

Epistemon If anyone else were to speak to me in this manner, I should consider him to be very vain or else to be lacking in curiosity. But you escape the charge of vanity because you have chosen to retire to this remote place and because you are so unconcerned about being well known; and in view of the time you formerly spent in travelling, in associating with learned men, and in investigating all the most complex discoveries in every science, we can be sure that you do not lack curiosity. So all I can say is that I consider you extremely happy, and I am convinced that you must therefore be in possession of knowledge which is far more perfect than that enjoyed by others.

Eudoxus I thank you for the good opinion you hold of me. But I would not presume so much upon your courtesy as to expect you simply to take my word for what I have said. One must never advance propositions so soz remote from common opinion without at the same time being able to point out some of their consequences. That is why I invite you both to stay here this summer, so that I may have time to show you a part of what I know. For I venture to hope not only that you will admit that I have some reason for being content with my knowledge, but, in addition, that you for your part will be fully satisfied with the things you have learned.

Epistemon I have no hesitation in accepting a kindness which I was myself going to beg of you.

Polyander For my part, I shall be pleased to be present at this discussion, though I do not think myself capable of deriving any profit from it.

Eudoxus On the contrary, Polyander, I think it is you who will gain the greater benefit from it, since you are unprejudiced; and it will be far easier for me to set on the right track someone who is neutral than to guide Epistemon, who will often take up the opposite position. But to give you a more distinct conception of the sort of doctrine I propose to teach, I should like you to notice how the sciences differ from those simple forms of knowledge which can be acquired without any process of reasoning, such as languages, history, geography and in general any subject which rests on experience alone. I readily grant that one man could not live long enough to acquire first-hand experience of everything in the world; but I am no less convinced that it would be folly to desire 503 this. A good man is not required to know Greek or Latin any more than the languages of Switzerland or Brittany, or the history of the Empire any more than that of the smallest state in Europe. He ought simply to take care to employ his leisure in good and useful occupations, and equip his memory only with the most necessary knowledge. As to the sciences —which are simply a matter of our making reliable judgements on the basis of knowledge we already possess — some are drawn from ordinary facts about which everyone has heard, and others from observations which are unusual and highly contrived. I admit, too, that we could not possibly discuss each of the latter in detail. For we should need first of all to have examined all the herbs and stones that come from the Indies, to have beheld the Phoenix, and in short to have knowledge of all the marvels of nature. But I believe I shall adequately fulfil my promise if I explain to you the truths which can be deduced from the ordinary facts known to each of us, and so make you capable of discovering for yourselves all the others, when you care to take the trouble to look for them.

Polyander I think that this is all we can possibly desire. I should be happy if you would merely prove a certain number of propositions which are so well known that no one is ignorant of them, such as those concerning the Deity, the rational soul, the virtues and their rewards, etc. I compare these propositions to those ancient families which everyone recognizes as being very illustrious even though their titles to nobility lie buried in the ruins of antiquity. For I have no doubt at all that those who first brought mankind to believe these truths were able to prove them with very strong arguments. But ever since that time, these proofs have been repeated so rarely that no one knows them any longer. These truths are so important, however, that prudence obliges us to believe them blindly at the risk of being mistaken, rather than to wait until the next world in order to get clear about them.

Epistemon For my part, I am a little more curious, and I should like you to go on to clarify for me some special difficulties which I find in every science, and chiefly those concerning human contrivances, apparitions, illusions, and in short all the marvellous effects attributed to magic. For I think it is useful to know about them, not in order to make use of them, but in order to prevent our judgement from being beguiled by wonder at something of which it is ignorant.

Eudoxus I shall try to satisfy both of you. In order to establish an order that we can follow to the end, first of all, Polyander, I should like us to have a discussion, just the two of us, about all the things in the world, considering them as they are in themselves. I want Epistemon to interrupt as little as possible, because his objections would often force us to depart from our subject. Afterwards we shall all consider these things afresh, but under a different aspect, namely in so far as they are related to us and can be described as true or false, and good or bad. It is here that Epistemon will have a chance to set forth all the difficulties which will have occurred to him during the preceding conversations.

Polyander Tell us the order, then, that you will follow in your explanations.

Eudoxus We must begin with the rational soul, for ail our knowledge resides in it; and after considering its nature and effects, we shall proceed to its author. When we have come to know who he is, and how he has created all things that exist in the world, we shall be able to see what is most certain regarding the other creatures, and we shall examine in what way our senses receive their objects and how our thoughts are made true or false. Then I shall lay before your eyes the works of men involving corporeal things. After causing you to wonder at the most powerful machines, the most unusual automatons, the most impressive illusions and the most subtle tricks that human ingenuity can devise, I shall reveal to you the secrets behind them, which are so simple and straightforward that you will no longer have reason to wonder at anything made by the hands of men. I shall then pass to the works of nature, and after showing you the cause of all her changes, the variety of her qualities, and how the souls of plants and of animals differ from ours, I shall present for your 5o6 consideration the entire edifice of the things that are perceivable by the senses. After giving an account of celestial phenomena and what we can judge with certainty about them, I shall pass on to the soundest conjectures concerning matters which cannot be definitely settled by men, in order to explain the relation of things perceivable by the senses to things perceivable by the intellect, the relation of both sorts of things to the Creator, the immortality of his creatures, and their state of being after the end of time. Then we shall come to the second part of this discussion, where we deal with each science in particular, picking out the most solid elements in each of them and proposing the method for carrying them much further forward than has hitherto been achieved — a method which enables someone of average intelligence to discover for himself everything that the most subtle minds can devise. Having thus prepared our understanding to make perfect judgements about the truth, we must also learn to control our will by distinguishing good things from bad, and by observing the true difference between virtues and vices. That done, I trust that your passion for knowledge will not be so intense, and that it will seem to you that everything I have said has been satisfactorily proved —so much so that you will believe that a man with a good mind, even one brought up in a desert and never illuminated by any light but the light of nature, could not have opinions different from ours if he carefully weighed all the same reasons. Now, to enter upon this discussion, we must ask the following questions: What are the first things that people know? What part of the soul does this knowledge reside in? And why is it 507 so imperfect to begin with?

Epistemon It seems to me that all this can be explained very clearly if we compare the imagination of a child to a tabula rasa on which our ideas are to be traced, these ideas being like portraits drawn from nature. Our senses, inclinations, teachers and intellect are the different artists who may work at this task, and among them the least competent are the first to take part, namely our imperfect senses, blind instincts and foolish nurses. The most competent is the intellect, which comes last; and it must serve an apprenticeship of many years, following the example of its masters for a long time before daring to correct any of their errors. In my opinion, this is one of the chief causes of the difficulties we have in acquiring knowledge. For our senses see nothing beyond the more coarse and ordinary things and our natural inclinations are entirely corrupt; and as to our teachers, although undoubtedly you might find very perfect ones among them, they cannot force our judgement to accept their reasonings until our intellect has done the work (which only it can do) of examining them. But the intellect is like an excellent painter who is called upon to put the finishing touches to a bad picture sketched out by a young apprentice. It would be futile for him to employ the rules of his art in correcting the picture little by little, a bit here and a bit there, and in adding with his own hand all that is lacking in it, if, despite his best efforts, he could never remove every major fault, since the drawing was badly sketched from the beginning, the figures badly placed, and the proportions badly observed.

Eudoxus Your comparison nicely illustrates the first obstacle facing us; but you do not describe the means we must use if we wish to avoid it. Now it seems to me that your painter would do far better to make a fresh start on the picture; rather than wasting time in correcting all the lines he finds on the canvas, he should wipe them off it with a sponge. Similarly, as soon as a man reaches what we call the age of discretion he should resolve once and for all to remove from his imagination all traces of the imperfect ideas which have been engraved there up till that time. Then he should begin in earnest to form new ideas, applying all the strength of his intellect so effectively that if he does not bring these ideas to perfection, at least he will not be able to blame the weakness of the senses or the irregularities of nature.

Epistemon That would be an excellent remedy if it were easy to apply. But you are not ignorant of the fact that the opinions first received in our imagination remain so deeply imprinted there that our will cannot erase them on its own, but can do so only by calling on the assistance of powerful reasons.

Eudoxus I should like to try and impart some of these reasons to you. But if you wish to derive any profit from this conversation, you must now give me your attention, and let me converse a bit with Polyander; this will enable me to begin by overturning all the knowledge acquired up to the present. For, since this knowledge is not enough to satisfy him, it must be faulty: I would compare it to a badly constructed house, whose foundations are not firm. I know of no better way to repair it than to knock it all down, and build a new one in its place. For I do not wish to be one of those jobbing builders who devote themselves solely to refurbishing old buildings because they consider themselves incapable of undertaking the construction of new ones. But, Polyander, while engaged upon this work of demolition we can use the same method to dig the foundations which ought to serve our purpose, and to prepare the best and most solid materials which will be needed for building up these foundations. So please join me in considering which, of all the truths men can know, are the most certain and the easiest to become acquainted with.

Polyander Is there anyone who can doubt that things that are perceivable by the senses — by which I mean those which can be seen and touched — are much more certain than all the others? I for one would be quite astonished if you were to make me see just as clearly any of the things which are said about God or the soul.

Eudoxus That is just what I hope to do. I find it strange that men are so credulous as to base their knowledge on the certitude of the senses, when everyone knows that they are sometimes deceptive, and that we have good reason always to distrust those who have deceived us even once.

Polyander I am well aware that the senses are sometimes deceptive if they are in poor condition, as when all food seems bitter to a sick person; or if their objects are too far away, as when we look at the stars, which never appear so large to us as they really are; or, in general, whenever they do not act freely in accordance with their natural constitution. But such defects of the senses are all quite easy to recognize, and do not prevent me from being quite sure at present that I am seeing you, that we are walking in this garden, that the sun is shining on us, and in a word, that everything which ordinarily appears to my senses. is genuine.

Eudoxus So if I wish to make you fear that the senses are deceptive on  occasions when you are unaware of the deception, it is not enough for me to tell you that the senses deceive you on certain occasions when you perceive the deception. I shall have to go further, and ask if you have never seen one of those melancholic individuals who think themselves to be vases, or take some part of their body to be enormous; they will swear that what they see and touch is just as they imagine it to be. To be sure, a good man would be indignant if you told him that his beliefs cannot have any more rational basis than theirs, since he relies, like them, on what the senses and imagination represent to him. But you cannot take it amiss if I ask whether you are not, like all men, liable to fall asleep, and whether you cannot think, while asleep, that you are seeing me, that you are walking in this garden, that the sun is shining — in brief, all the things of which you now believe you are utterly certain. Have you never heard this expression of astonishment in comedies: ‘Am I awake or asleep?’ How can you be certain that your life is not a continuous dream, and that everything you think you learn through your senses is not false now, just as much as when you are asleep? In particular, how can you be certain of this when you have learned that you were created by a superior being who, being all-powerful, would have found it no more difficult to create us just as I am describing, than to create us as you think you are?

Polyander There, surely, we have arguments sufficient to overturn all the teachings of Epistemon, if he is reflective enough to give his attention to them. For myself, however, I fear that I should simply go wool gathering if I tried to consider such abstract matters, for I am a man who has never engaged in study or accustomed himself to turning his mind so far away from things that are perceivable by the senses.

Epistemon I agree that it is very dangerous to proceed too far in this line of thinking. Such general doubts would lead us straight into the ignorance of Socrates or the uncertainty of the Pyrrhonists.[2] These are deep waters, where I think we may lose our footing.

Eudoxus I confess that it would be dangerous for someone who does not know a ford to venture across it without a guide, and many have lost their lives in doing so. But you have nothing to fear if you follow me.

Indeed, just such fears have prevented most men of letters from acquiring a body of knowledge which was firm and certain enough to deserve the name ‘science’[3]. Supposing that there was no firmer basis for their opinions other than things perceivable by the senses, they have built upon sand instead of digging further down to find rock or clay. So we must not let the matter rest here, especially since even if you did not wish to give further consideration to the arguments I have stated, the arguments have already done what I desired: their chief effect has been to touch your imagination so as to make you fear them. For this indicates that your knowledge is not so infallible as to prevent your fearing that these arguments will undermine its foundations by making you doubt everything. Consequently it indicates that you already have these doubts, and so I have achieved my aim, which was to overturn all your learning by showing you its uncertainty. But in case you should now lack the courage to proceed any further, I would advise you that these doubts, which alarmed you at the start, are like phantoms and empty images which appear at night in the uncertain glimmer of a weak light: if you flee from them, your fear will follow you, but if you approach as if to touch them, you will find nothing but air and shadow and you will be more confident the next time such an encounter may occur.

Polyander I should like, then, to follow your suggestion and set forth these difficulties in the strongest form possible. I shall apply my mind to the task of doubting whether I have not been dreaming all my life, and whether all the ideas I thought capable of entering my mind only by way of the senses were not in fact formed by themselves, just as similar ideas are formed whenever I am asleep, and I know that my eyes are shut, my ears closed, and in short, that none of my senses help to form them. Thus I shall be uncertain not only about whether you are in the world and whether there is an earth or a sun; but also about whether I have eyes, ears, a body, and even whether I am speaking to you and you are speaking to me. In short, I shall doubt everything.[4]

Eudoxus There you are, all prepared, and at the very stage to which I had intended to bring you. The time has now come for you to consider closely the conclusions which I wish to draw at this point. Now, you see that you can reasonably have doubts about everything that you know only by means of the senses. But can you ever have doubts about your doubt, and remain doubtful whether you are doubting or not?

Polyander I must confess that your question strikes me with amazement. The modicum of insight I possess (which gives me a moderate amount of good sense) makes me see with some astonishment that I am forced to confess that I know nothing with any certainty, that I am doubtful about everything and certain of nothing. But what do you want to infer from this? I do not see that this universal amazement can be of any use, nor do I see how this sort of doubt can be a principle which gets us very far. For you arranged this conversation with quite the opposite end in view — to free us from our doubts and make clear to us truths which we should know and which even Epistemon, for all his learning, might not know.

Eudoxus Just give me your attention and I shall conduct you further than you think. For from this universal doubt, as from a fixed and immovable point, I propose to derive the knowledge of God, of yourself, and of everything in the universe.

Polyander You are promising a great deal indeed; and if things turn out as you promise, it will be worth our while to grant your initial demands. Keep your word and we shall be quite content to do so.

Eudoxus You cannot deny that you have such doubts; rather it is certain that you have them, so certain in fact that you cannot doubt your doubting. Therefore it is also true that you who are doubting exist; this is so true that you can no longer have any doubts about it.

Polyander I quite agree with you on that point, because if I did not exist, I would not be able to doubt.

Eudoxus You exist, therefore, and you know that you exist, and you know this just because you are doubting.

Polyander All of this is quite true.

Eudoxus But, so that you are not deflected from the course I suggested, let us proceed gradually, and as I said, you will find that you are making greater progress than you think. Let us go through the argument again. You exist, and you know that you exist, and you know this because you know that you are doubting. But what are you — you who have doubts about everything but cannot doubt that you yourself exist?

Polyander The answer to that is not at all difficult, and I can see perfectly well why you chose me rather than Epistemon to answer your questions: you did not want to ask anything which could not be answered very easily. So I shall say I am a man.

Eudoxus You are not paying attention to my question, and the reply you give me, however simple it may seem to you, would plunge you into very difficult and complicated problems, were I to press you even a little. If, for example, I were to ask even Epistemon himself what a man is, and he gave the stock reply of the scholastics, that a man is a ‘rational animal’, and if, in order to explain these two terms (which are just as obscure as the former), he were to take us further, through all the levels which are called ‘metaphysical’, we should be dragged into a maze from which it would be impossible to escape. For two other questions arise from this one. First, what is an animal? Second, what is rational? If, in order to explain what an animal is, he were to reply that it is a ‘living and sentient being’, that a living being is an ‘animate body’, and that a body is a ‘corporeal substance’, you see immediately that the questions, like the branches of a family tree, would rapidly increase and multiply. Quite clearly, the result of all these admirable questions would be pure verbiage, which would elucidate nothing and leave us in our original state of ignorance.

Epistemon I am sorry you despise the tree of Porphyry,[5] which the learned have always admired, and it annoys me that you would try to convey to Polyander what he is in a different way from the one which has long been universally accepted in the Schools. To this day no better or more appropriate way has been found for explaining what we are than displaying all the levels which make up our whole nature, for in this way, by passing up and down through all these levels, we can learn what our nature has in common with the natures of all other things, and in what respects it differs from them. And this is the highest point to which our knowledge can reach.

Eudoxus I have never had any intention of condemning the method of explanation ordinarily employed in the Schools, nor shall I ever wish to. For it is to that method that I owe the little I know, and my use of it has helped me to recognize the uncertainty of all the things I have learned there. So, even if my teachers taught me nothing that was certain, I owe them my thanks none the less, since it was due to their instruction that I came to realize this. Indeed, the fact that everything they taught me was quite doubtful gives me greater reason now to be thankful than would have been the case had their teaching been in closer accord with reason; for in the latter case I might have been content with the smattering of reason which I found in it, and that might have made me less conscientious in searching carefully for the truth. What I told Polyander serves not so much to point out to him the confusion and uncertainty into which his answer plunges you as to make him more attentive in future to my questions. Thus I am addressing my remarks to him; and to keep us from wandering any further from our path, I ask him once more what he is — he who can have doubts about everything but cannot have doubts about himself.

Polyander I thought I had satisfied you when I said that I am a man, but I quite see that I misread the situation: I can see that my answer does not satisfy you, and I must admit that it no longer seems adequate to me, especially when I think of the confusion and uncertainty into which, as you have shown me, it can plunge us if we want, to make the answer clearer and understand it better. Indeed, whatever Epistemon may say, it strikes me that there is a great deal of obscurity in these metaphysical levels. If, for example, we say that a body is a ‘corporeal substance’, without making clear what a corporeal substance is, these two words do not tell us any more than does the word ‘body’. In the same way, if we assert that to be living is to be an ‘animate body’, without first explaining what a body is and what it is to be animate — and likewise with all the other metaphysical levels — we are uttering words and putting them as it were in a certain order, but we are not really saying anything. The words do not convey anything that can be conceived, or form any distinct idea in our mind. When, in reply to your question, I said that I was a man, I was not actually thinking of all the scholastic entities which I knew nothing about and had never heard of, and which, so far as I am concerned, subsist only in the imagination of those who have invented them. I was thinking, rather, about the things we see, touch, perceive with our senses, and experience within ourselves — in a word, about things which even the most simple-minded of men know just as well as the greatest philosopher in the world. Undoubtedly I am a certain whole made up of two arms, two legs, one head, and all the other parts which make up what we call the human body, and which besides is nourished, walks, perceives by the senses, and thinks.

Eudoxus I saw at once from your answer that you had not properly understood my question, and that you answered more questions than I had asked. Now, in the list of things which you were doubting earlier on, you had already included arms, legs, head, and all the other parts which make up the mechanism of the human body. It was not my intention to question you about these things, the existence of which you are not certain of. Tell me, then, what you are, strictly speaking, in so far as you are doubting. This was the sole point on which I had decided to question you, because beyond this you can know nothing for certain.

Polyander I now see that I was mistaken in my answer, and that I went much further than was appropriate, since I did not quite grasp your intention. This will make me more careful in future, and it makes me marvel now at the precision of your method, as you guide us step by step along simple and easy paths towards knowledge of the things you want to teach us. But we have reason to say that it was a happy mistake I made, since, thanks to it, I know very well that what I am, in so far as I am doubting, is certainly not what I call my body. Indeed, I do not even know whether I have a body; you have shown me that it is possible to doubt it. I might add that I cannot deny absolutely that I have a body. Yet even if we keep all these suppositions intact, this will not prevent me from being certain that I exist. On the contrary, these suppositions simply strengthen the certainty of my conviction that I exist and am not a body. Otherwise, if I had doubts about my body, I would also have doubts about myself, and I cannot have doubts about that. I am absolutely convinced that I exist, so convinced that it is totally impossible for me to doubt it.

Eudoxus Splendidly put! So admirably are you acquitting yourself here that I could not put the point better myself. All I need do, I see, is to leave you to get on with the job on your own, after taking care to set you on your course. Provided we have proper direction, all we need for discovering the truth on the most difficult issues is, I think, common sense, to give it its ordinary name. Since, as I had hoped, you have a decent supply of that, I am simply going to point out to you the way you should take in future. Just keep going and, relying on your own resources, draw the conclusions which follow from that first principle.

Polyander This principle seems so fertile, and suggests to me so many things at once that I think I would have an enormous job arranging them in order. Just now you advised me to ponder on what I am, I who am doubting, and not to confuse this with what I once believed myself to be. This single piece of advice has flooded my mind with light and all at once scattered the darkness; so much so that by the light of this torch I see more sharply within myself that which is hidden within me, and I am more convinced that I possess something non-tangible than I ever was that I possessed a body.

Eudoxus I am quite delighted with this sudden enthusiasm, though Epistemon may not be quite so pleased. You have not freed him from his mistake, and you have not placed before his eyes a fraction of the things  you say are contained in this principle. So he will always be wondering why he should not believe or at any rate fear that everything which this light presents to you is like a will-o’-the-wisp which dies out and vanishes as soon as you try to get near it, and that you will soon slip back into the darkness you were in before, that is, into your original state of ignorance. It would certainly be an extraordinary occurrence if you, who have never spent much time studying or delving into the works of the philosophers, should so suddenly and so effortlessly end up a learned man. Therefore we should not be surprised that Epistemon thinks the way he does.

Epistemon I admit I took Polyander’s reaction to be a sort of burst of enthusiasm. Polyander has never given much thought to the grand truths which philosophy conveys, and I thought he was so transported by his reflection on the most insignificant of these truths that he could not refrain from displaying his intense excitement to you. But those who, like you,[6] have been plodding this path for a long time, expending much oil and effort in reading and re-reading the writings of the ancients, unravelling the thorniest knots in philosophy, are no longer surprised by such bursts of enthusiasm. They make no more of it than they do of the vain hopes of some who have just begun to learn mathematics. No sooner have such novices been given the line and the circle, and shown what a straight line is and what a curved, than they believe that they are going to discover how to square the circle and duplicate the cube.[7] But we have frequently refuted the views of the Pyrrhonists, and the fruits which they themselves have derived from their philosophical method have been so meagre that they have been wandering about aimlessly all their lives. Unable to free themselves from the doubts which they themselves introduced into philosophy, they have put their efforts exclusively into learning to doubt. So, with all due respect to Polyander, I doubt whether he himself can derive anything better from it.

Eudoxus I quite see that in directing your words to Polyander you want to spare me. Nevertheless it is perfectly obvious that your jests are directed at me. But let Polyander speak, and we shall then see which of us has the last laugh.

Polyander I shall do so gladly. But I fear that the dispute between you two will become heated, and that while you are pursuing the matter at all too exalted a level, I shall not understand any of it, and shall lose all the fruits I am going to reap (I promise myself) when I proceed to retrace my first steps. So I ask Epistemon to let me indulge this hope so long as it pleases Eudoxus to lead me by the hand along the path on which he set me.

Eudoxus Very well; when you consider yourself simply in so far as you are doubting, you realize that you are not a body, and that so considered, none of the parts which make up the mechanism of the human body are to be found within you, that is, you have no arms, legs, head, eyes, ears or any sense organs. But see whether you can reject in the same way all the other things which you previously understood to be implied in your former notion of a man. As you rightly remarked, it was a fortunate error you made when your answer went beyond the bounds of my question. For it makes it easy for you to get to know what you are: all you need do is to separate from yourself and reject everything which you clearly see does not belong to you, and admit only what necessarily belongs to you —so necessarily that you are as certain and convinced of it as you are of your existing and doubting.

Polyander I am grateful to you for setting me on my way in the manner you did; for I no longer knew where I was. I said previously that I was a whole put together with arms, legs, a head and all the parts which make up what is called ‘the human body’, and in addition that I walk, am nourished, perceive by the senses, and think. In order to think of myself simply as I know myself to be, it was also necessary for me to set aside all the parts or components which make up the mechanism of the human body, that is, to think of myself as lacking arms, legs, head — in a word, as lacking a body. And yet it is true that whatever it is within me that is doubting, it is not what I call my body. Therefore it is also true that I, in so far as I am doubting, am not that which is nourished or walks; for neither of these actions can be performed without a body. I cannot even say that I, in so far as I am doubting, am capable of perceiving by the senses. For as feet are needed for walking, so eyes are needed for seeing, and ears for hearing; yet since I have none of these organs — because I have no body — I cannot say I perceive by the senses. Furthermore, in the past I have thought while dreaming that I perceived by the senses many things which I did not really perceive. And since I have decided to admit nothing here unless its truth is such that I can have no doubts about it, I cannot say that I am a sentient being, i.e. one which sees with its eyes and hears with its ears. For it is possible in the way just described that I believe I am perceiving by the senses, even though I have no senses.

Eudoxus I cannot but stop you here, not to lead you off the road but to encourage you and make you consider what good sense can achieve if given proper direction. For is there anything in what you have said which is not exact, which is not validly argued, which is not correctly deduced from what has gone before? All these points have been stated and worked out not by means of logic, or a rule or pattern of argument, but simply by the light of reason and good sense. When this light operates on its own, it is less liable to go wrong than when it anxiously strives to follow the numerous different rules, the inventions of human ingenuity and idleness, which serve more to corrupt it than render it more perfect. Epistemon himself seems to agree with us on this point; for his silence indicates that he agrees entirely with what you have been saying. Go on, then, Polyander, and show him how far we can get with good sense, and also what conclusions can be derived from our first principle.

Polyander Of all the attributes I once claimed as my own there is only one left worth examining, and that is thought. I find that it alone is such that I cannot detach it from myself. For if it is true that I am doubting (I cannot doubt that), it is equally true that I am thinking, for what is doubting if not thinking in a certain kind of way? Indeed, if I did not think at all, I could not know whether I doubted or even existed. But I exist, and I know what I am, and I know these facts because I am doubting, i.e. because I am thinking. It could even happen that, if I were to cease thinking for a moment, I would also completely cease to exist. So the one thing which I cannot separate from myself, and which I know for certain that I am, and which I can now assert with certainty without fear of being mistaken, that one thing, I say, is that I am a thinking thing.

Eudoxus Epistemon, what do you think of what Polyander has just been saying? Do you find, anything in his whole argument which is defective, or anything inconsistent? Would you have thought that an uneducated man who had never bothered to study could reason with such precision, and be so consistent in all his arguments? If I am not mistaken, you must, as a result of this, begin to see that if you simply know how to make proper use of your own doubt, you can use it to deduce facts which are known with complete certainty — facts which are even more certain and more useful than those which we commonly build upon that great principle, as the basis to which they are all reduced, the fixed point on which they all terminate, namely, ‘It is impossible that one and the same thing should exist and at the same time not exist.’ Perhaps I shall have occasion to demonstrate the usefulness of doubt to you. But let us not interrupt the thread of Polyander’s remarks, or stray from the argument. So see whether you have anything to say or any objection to make.

Epistemon Since you are asking me, even needling me, to take sides, I am going to show you what Logic can do when roused, and I shall raise such stiff obstacles that not only Polyander but even you will find it exceedingly difficult to get round them. So rather than going any further, let us stop here and take the trouble to make a rigorous examination of your fundamental principles and conclusions. With the aid of the true Logic and on the basis of your own principles, I shall demonstrate that nothing Polyander has said has a legitimate basis or leads to any firm conclusions. You say that you exist and you know you exist, and you know this because you are doubting and because you are thinking. But do you really know what doubting or what thinking is? Since you do not want to admit anything about which you are not certain or of which you do not have perfect knowledge, how can you be so sure that you exist, on the slender basis of such obscure facts as these? You should really have taught Polyander first of all what doubt is, what thought is, what existence is, so that his reasoning might have the strength of a demonstration, and that he might understand himself before trying to make himself intelligible to others.

Polyander That is quite beyond me; so I shall give up the struggle and leave you and Epistemon to unravel this knot together.

Eudoxus I shall undertake the task with pleasure on this occasion, but only on condition that you act as judge in our dispute, for I dare not hope that Epistemon will give in to my arguments. Someone who, like him, is stuffed full of opinions and taken up with any number of preconceptions finds it difficult to submit himself exclusively to the natural light, for he has long been in the habit of yielding to authority rather than lending his ear to the dictates of his own reason. He would rather question others and ponder on what the ancients have written than consult his own thoughts about what judgement he should make. From childhood he has taken for reason what rested only on the authority of his teachers; so now he puts forward his own authority as reason, and is anxious that others should submit to him in the way that he himself once submitted to others. But I shall have cause to be content, and shall regard myself as having more than adequately answered the objections which Epistemon put to you, if only you agree with what I shall say, and your own reason convinces you of it.

Epistemon I am not so pigheaded or so difficult to persuade and satisfy as you think. And although I had reason to lack confidence in Polyander, I am positively eager to submit our dispute to his arbitration. As soon as he comes down on your side, I promise to admit defeat. But he must take care not to let himself be deceived or to make the mistake for which he reproaches[8] others, i.e. to regard his esteem for you as a convincing reason for believing what you say.

Eudoxus If he relied on such a feeble basis for belief, he would surely be neglecting his own interests, and, I vouch, he will look after himself in this matter. But let us get back to our subject. I quite share your view, Epistemon, that we must know what doubt is, what thought is, what existence is, before being convinced of the truth of this inference, ‘I am doubting, therefore I exist’, or what amounts to the same thing, ‘I am thinking, therefore I exist’. But do not imagine that in order to know what these are, we have to rack our brains trying to find the ‘proximate genus’ and the ‘essential differentia’ which go to make up their true definition. We can leave that to someone who wants to be a professor or to debate in the Schools. But someone who wants to examine things for himself, and to base his judgements about them on his own conceptions, must surely have enough mental capacity to have adequate knowledge of what doubt, thought and existence are, whenever he attends to the question, without having to be taught the difference between them. Besides, there are, in my view, some things which are made more obscure by our attempts to define them: since they are very simple and clear, they are perceived and known just on their own, and there is no better way of knowing and perceiving them. Perhaps some of the most serious errors in the sciences are those committed by those who try to define what should only be conceived, and who cannot distinguish between what is clear and what is obscure, nor tell the difference between something which needs and merits a definition if it is to be known and something which is best known just on its own. But doubt, thought and existence can be regarded as belonging to the class of things which have this sort of clarity and which are known just on their own.

I would never have believed that there has ever existed anyone so dull that he had to be told what existence is before being able to conclude and assert that he exists. The same applies to doubt and thought. Furthermore, the only way we can learn such things is by ourselves: what convinces us of them is simply our own experience or awareness — that awareness or internal testimony which everyone experiences within himself when he ponders on such matters. Thus it would be pointless trying to define, for someone totally blind, what it is to be white: in order to know what that is, all that is needed is to have one’s eyes open and to see white. In the same way, in order to know what doubt and thought are, all one need do is to doubt or to think. That tells us all it is possible to know about them, and explains more about them than even the most precise definitions. So it is true that Polyander must have known these things before being able to draw the conclusions which he did. But, since we chose him as judge, let us ask him if he has ever been ignorant of what doubt or thought or existence is.

Polyander I am quite delighted, I must admit, to hear you arguing about something which you could learn only from me. I am pleased to see that on this occasion at any rate you must acknowledge me as your teacher and regard yourselves as my pupils. So to put both of you out of your misery, I shall solve your problem at a stroke (it is totally unexpected events which we say happen ‘at a stroke’). I can say for sure that I have never doubted what doubt is, though I only began to recognize it, or rather to give my attention to it, when Epistemon tried to cast doubt on it. As soon as you showed me what little certainty we can have in the existence of things which we can know only by means of the senses, I began to doubt them. This was enough to bring my doubt home to me and to make me certain of it. Thus I can state that as soon as I began to doubt, I began to have knowledge which was certain. But my doubt and my certainty did not relate to the same objects: my doubt applied only to things which existed outside me, whereas my certainty related to myself and my doubting. So Eudoxus was right when he said that there are things we cannot know about unless we see them. In order, then, to know what doubt and thought are, all we need do is to doubt and to think. The same applies to existence: to know what that is, all we need do is to understand the meaning of the word, for that tells us at once what the thing is which the word stands for, in so far as we can know it. There is no need here for a definition, which would confuse rather than clarify the issue.

Epistemon Since Polyander is satisfied, I too shall agree, and I shall not press the argument any further. But, after two hours of discussion, I cannot see that he has made much progress. All Polyander has learnt with the aid of this marvellous method which you are making such a song about is the fact that he is doubting, that he is thinking, and that he is a thinking thing. Marvellous indeed! So many words for such a meagre result. Four words could have done the trick, and we should all have agreed about it. As for myself, if I were required to spend so much time and engage in such a long discussion in order to learn such an insignificant fact, I would be very reluctant to make the effort. Our teachers have so much more to tell us, and they do so with much more assurance. Nothing holds them back; they deal with everything themselves, and decide each point. Nothing deflects them from their purpose; nothing takes them by surprise. When they feel themselves pressed too hard on some point, an equivocation or a distinction gets them out of their difficulties. You can be sure that their method will always be preferred to yours, which casts doubt on everything, and has such a fear of tripping up that it is constantly dithering and making no headway.

Eudoxus It was never my intention to prescribe to anyone the method which he should follow in his search for truth, but simply to describe the method which I used myself: if it should be thought to be defective, it would be rejected; if good and useful, others would use it too. I left it up to each individual to use it or reject it entirely as he saw fit. If someone should now say that it has not got me very far, this is a matter for experience to determine. Provided you continue to give me your attention, I am sure you will admit that we cannot be too careful in establishing our first principles, and that once these are established, the consequences will be able to be deduced more easily, and will take us further, than we dared hope was possible. All the mistakes made in the sciences happen, in my view, simply because at the beginning we make judgements too hastily, and accept as our first principles matters which are obscure and of which we do not have a clear and distinct notion. That this is true is shown by the slight progress we have made in the sciences whose first principles are certain and known by everyone. By contrast, in the case of sciences, whose principles are obscure and uncertain, those who are prepared to state their views honestly must admit that, for all the time they have spent reading many a vast tome; they have ended up realizing that they know nothing and have learnt nothing. So, my dear Epistemon, you should not be surprised that I wish to lead Polyander along a more certain path than the one I was led along myself, and that I am so careful and precise as to take nothing to be true if I am not as sure of it as I am of the certain fact that I exist, and am thinking, and am a thinking thing.

Epistemon You seem to me to be like an acrobat who always lands on his feet, so constantly do you go back to your ‘first principle’. But if you go on in this way, your progress will be slow and limited. How are we always to find truths such that we can he as firmly convinced of them as we are of our own existence?

Eudoxus That is not as difficult as you think. For all truths follow logically from one another, and are mutually interconnected. The whole secret is to begin with the first and simplest truths, and then to proceed gradually and as it were step by step to the most remote and most complex truths. Now can anyone doubt that what I have laid down as the first principle is the first of all the facts we can get to know if we proceed more methodically? It is certain that we cannot doubt this, even if we doubt the truth of everything in the universe. Since, then, we are sure that we have made the right beginning, we must see to it that we do not go wrong from now on. We must take great care to admit as true nothing which is open to even the slightest doubt. With this in view, I say we should let Polyander speak on his own. The only master he follows is common sense, and his reason has not been marred by any false preconceptions. So it is hardly likely that he will be deceived; if he were, he would soon realize it, and would have no trouble getting back onto the road. So let us hear what he has to say; let him tell us about the things which, so he told us, he saw to be contained in our[9] first principle.

Polyander So many things are contained in the idea of a thinking thing that it would take whole days to unfold them. We shall be dealing for the moment only with the most important things, and with those which help to make the notion of a thinking thing more distinct, and which will help us to avoid confusing it with notions which have nothing to do with it. By a ‘thinking thing’ I mean…[10]

[1] Diogenes of Sinope (fourth cent. B.C.), one of the founders of the Cynic school of philosophy, was celebrated in antiquity for residing in a large earthenware tub.

[2] Socrates attributed his reputation as the wisest man in Athens to the fact that he alone recognized that he knew nothing. Pyrrhonism was a strong version of scepticism which advocated complete suspension of judgement (named after Pyrrhon of Elis, born c. 365 B.C.).

[3] Cf. above p. 101.

[4] Here the French manuscript ends; what follows is translated from the Latin of the Amsterdam edition (1701).

[5] Porphyry, one of the founders of Neoplatonism (born c. 237 A.D.), proposed a ‘family tree’ of genera and species under which things may be classified. Thus the genus, substance (the ‘trunk’ of the tree), branches into the two species, corporeal and incorporeal, each of which divides into a further pair, etc. — for example, corporeal into living and non-living, living into sentient and non-sentient, etc. Cf. above p. 344.

[6] AT suggest that ‘you’ (tut) is a misprint for ‘me’ (mei).

[7] Two of the problems of Greek mathematics — both unsolvable: the former, to construct a circle with the same area as a given square; the latter, to construct a cube which is twice the volume of a given cube.

[8] Lat. exprobat (‘he reproaches’) may be a misprint for exprobras (‘you reproach’).

[9] The Amsterdam edition (1701) has ‘your’ (vestro), but the sense requires ‘our’ (nostro). One might, alternatively, give this sentence to Epistemon.

[10] The Amsterdam edition inserts here the sentence, ‘The rest is missing.’

Continue Reading

Paul Berman’s thesis regarding human irrationality

I’m using this to understand better and make annotations (in colour, etc.) SOURCE: https://www.carnegiecouncil.org/media/series/39/20030415-terror-and-liberalism

===EXTRACT====

I would like to offer ten propositions with which our present crisis could be observed.

1) In the nineteenth century, the belief arose that the secret of human progress had been discovered and had been proved to be correct. This secret was thought to be a belief in the many instead of the one, a belief that each aspect of life should be allowed to remain in its own sphere—the public and the private, the state and society, the religious and the civil. There was a belief that society ought to govern itself through rational analysis.

Many different philosophies and political movements expressed this idea. None of them, none of the large ones, expressed it fully consistently. Marx had some aspects of this idea. The French Revolution stood for some aspects and could not quite get the other aspects right. Thomas Jefferson stood for a very pure version of this idea and yet couldn’t quite straighten out the part regarding human slavery. Each separate movement in the nineteenth century, or in the early eighteenth century and into the nineteenth century, had some aspect of it and some contradiction which was yet to be worked out.

And yet, in spite of the contradictions, there was consensus about general principles which were seen to be working in some of the societies that we think of as the West and which were regarded by some people in all regions around the world as the secret of human progress universally, not just in the places where they were seen to be prospering at that moment.

There was among a very large number of people, a general feeling of underlying optimism, which you can see in many of the writers of the nineteenth century, in many of the doctrines that came to dominate political movements.

2) At the same time, there was reason to be suspicious of these doctrines. There was a whole series of criticisms about hypocrisies or inconsistencies or lies that were concealed within it. Marx was the great prophet of this.

But beyond these doctrines of suspicion, there were also some elements that not even Marx discussed, something that went beyond exploitation and hypocrisy. This could be seen by the late-nineteenth century in King Leopold’s war in the Congo or in German Southwest Africa at the turn of the century, where the very countries, Germany and Belgium, who were among the principal exemplars of the doctrine of human progress, were in some other aspect of their national activity somehow engaged in the most grotesque genocide. The combination of the sense of optimism and the genocidal atrocities, seemed to be beyond the capability of the liberal imagination to conceive.

In the First World War, these darkest aspects, which had already been visible in the Congo and in Southwest Africa, finally rolled back across Europe. What had been unimaginable throughout the nineteenth century finally took place in Europe itself, which was mass death on the most colossal scale, nine or ten million people killed for reasons that were ultimately unintelligible. Each country went into the war with a logical set of reasons instead of treaties and alliances. The final outcome was a catastrophe beyond that which anyone would have or did predict.

3) From the nineteenth century and onward, a series of rebellions against this prevailing liberal optimism arose. Some of these rebellions are particularly worth observing.

First, there was a rebellion within the romantic literary tradition, in romantic poetry. An important sign of this was Victor Hugo’s verse play Hernani in 1830, which already broached certain themes. The play ends with the attempted assassination of the King of Spain and a triple suicide. The theme of murder and suicide in the context of rebellion had already been broached.

Baudelaire picks up the same theme. In the second edition of The Flowers of Evil, the inscription mentions enrolling in the rhetorical school of Satan.

And, in fact, there is a religious subtext that underlies this notion of rebellion, which is the romantic cult of Satan, which, within the literary tradition, begins to mean a cult of murder and suicide as literary postures.

Later in the nineteenth century among the poets, the religious aspect of this rebellion, of this notion of transgressive rebellion against the existing order, takes a new form. You can see it in Rimbaud and in a marvelous version in the greatest of the turn-of-the-century Spanish-language poets, Ruben Dario.

This new version is not the cult of Satan. It is a series of images that come out of the Book of Revelation. There is a Millenarian idea, of an impending calamity, that something unspeakable is about to occur. You can see it in Yeats. This idea emerges as the new religious underpinning.

There is something self-ironic about the writers who were writing about Satan but there is nothing ironic or self-ironic about the writers who were drawing on images from the Book of Revelation.

At the end of the First World War, these currents in poetry, from the romantic to the symbolist poets at the end of the century and the beginning of the new century, finally convert themselves into a series of political movements, which are mass movements against the idea of liberalism. They are movements of rebellion against the belief in the many instead of the one, against the idea that life should be divided into a series of spheres—the public and the private, the state and society, the civil and the religious—and at some level, in different ways, they are movements of rebellion against the idea of rational analysis. Instead, they are movements in favor of the one, the solid, the granite, of authority, as opposed to rational analysis—sometimes of mysticism, but in any case of authority.

These movements were founded by Lenin, Mussolini, Franco, Hitler, the leaders of the Iron Guard in Romania, various figures from the extreme right in France, and through every single country in Europe in some version or another—the Bolshevik movement on the Left, all of the other movements on the Right.

The movements were utterly different one from the other, and the Left and the Right hated each other, and sometimes the Right and the Right hated each other. But what I am struck by is the similarities.

4) In all of these cases, the similarities consisted of a belief in a deep myth, the Ur myth of the twentieth century and into our own time. The name of this myth is the Book of Revelation.

It is a variation on the themes of the symbolist poets. It takes the idea of transgressive rebellion, which the earlier Romantics had already come up with, of murder and rebellion as satanic acts of rebellion against liberal society, the conversion of this idea into the mythology that you see in the Book of Revelation, and then finally these political movements convert that same notion into political doctrines in this way.

The story in the Book of Revelation says: There is a people of God; the people of God are being afflicted and polluted by forces from within their own society, who worship at the synagogue of Satan. At the same time, the people of God are being afflicted by cosmic foes from abroad.

The people of God who are oppressed rise up in rebellion against these polluting forces from within and against the cosmic forces from abroad. The name of this war is Armageddon, and it lasts, according to St. John, the author of Revelation, one hour.

And at the end of the war, with all of those foes dispatched, the reign of Christ is established and lasts a thousand years. It is a perfect, stable society with no polluting elements. It is the millennium.

Each of the movements that arose in the period after World War I found a new way to tell this story. There was always a people of God. The people of God were proletariat. The people of God were the children of the Roman wolf, the Italian people. The people of God were the Catholic warriors of Christ, according to the King in Spain. The people of God were the Aryan race.

There were always polluting elements from within society, such as the bourgeoisie, or the Trotskyite wreckers, or the Jews, or the Masons, or the Communists.

There were always external foes from abroad. These were the forces of capitalist encirclement, or Anglo-American imperialism, or what Heidegger described as the “pincer pressure” of the United States and the Soviet Union pressing on the people of Germany.

There was always going to be a war, which would be a war of extermination against these external and internal foes. This war would be the class war, or the crusade in Franco’s version, or the biological war in the Nazi version.

At the end was always the perfect society, which was pictured either as a sci-fi leap into the future or as a return to the golden age of the past, usually as some version of both.

The Communist version was a leap into the future, though if you read your Marx carefully, you understand that this is also a leap into the primitive Communism of the past. And in the Soviet version there are many references to the primitive Communist traditions of the Russian peasants.

All of the right-wing versions were variations of a slightly different sort.

Mussolini was going to recreate the Roman Empire, and when he marched on Rome in 1922, he organized his followers into legions. They were centurions marching on Rome. The Roman Empire was going to be recreated in a modern version. They weren’t going to go back to the ancient version. It was would be a modern version of the Roman Empire.

Franco was going to recreate the medieval Crusades of Spain at its greatest. He would do this in a modern version.

Hitler was also going to recreate the Roman Empire. The Third Reich meant the new Reich after the Roman Empire and the Holy Roman Empire. He would recreate the Roman Empire, but in an Aryan version instead of an Italian version.

And likewise, this cult of the ancient, the reestablishing of the ancient, was a leap into the future at the same time, a modernism.

The symbolist cult of the Book of Revelation is also a cult of ancient myth, which is a cult of modernism at the same time. If you want to see that artistically, picture some of Picasso, where he is evoking the ancient myths of the Mediterranean but in the most modern of ways.

5) All of these movements proposed impractical programs which were unachievable except in one way, which was through mass death. Mass death showed that these were movements of transgressive rebellion, not movements of reform, not conservative movements of reform or social democratic movements of reform, Left or Right, but movements that would break through the ordinary morality of behavior, thus would break through the existing world view.

The reassuring demonstration that one had really gone beyond the ordinary was a commitment to mass death. All of these movements failed completely in achieving what they stated to be their worldly aims, and in achieving mass death.

6) The liberal society which in its weaknesses and contradictions and inability to conceive of the dark in human nature, the liberal society which in some way had inspired these movements and against which these movements now arose in rebellion, also had a great deal of trouble in identifying what these movements were.

We are all too familiar with the failures of the left-wing Fellow Travelers, who could not understand Stalinism and could only understand it as an exceptionally advanced form of social democracy. But you can take examples of this kind of error across the spectrum.

I write about the French socialists of the 1930s, who were a deeply democratic and liberal, in my sense of the word, movement with an impeccable record of liberal democratic credentials going back into the nineteenth century, without any of the aspects of Bolshevism, Marxism, or Leninism. One has to remember that in the 1930s, the French socialists were the enemies of Nazism and of the Right.

And yet, the majority of the French socialists finally voted for Marshall Pétain because they could not get themselves to understand the nature of Nazism. They managed to tell themselves that Nazism was a legitimate movement, that the Germans did have grievances, that the Treaty of Versailles had been unjust, that Hitler might be raving but he was stating truths.

The French socialists in their majority faction certainly did not regard themselves as anti-Semites, and yet they asked themselves: “Every time somebody rails against the Jews, is it always an example of anti-Semitism?” The French socialists were, by definition, the enemy of financiers—“and weren’t some of the financiers Jewish?”

The French socialists finally thought that the great danger to France was represented not by Hitler and the Nazis but by the hawks in their own society. And who was the leading hawk? Unfortunately, it was their own leader, the leader of the minority faction, who had managed to get himself elected Prime Minister, Léon Blum, whose ethnic identity now became itself a source of much speculation.

With this kind of reasoning, the French socialists in the majority faction not only managed to vote for Pétain, but quite a few ended up joining his government, and in this way the impeccable liberal democrats of the French Left managed to convert themselves into fascists.

7) The progress of totalitarianism depends on and is inseparable from this kind of liberal naïveté. Without the cooperation of the Fellow Travelers with Stalin, without the French anti-war socialists in the case of Hitler, without the naïveté of any number of conservatives and democratic right-wingers in the case of a variety of fascists and Nazis, without the naïveté even of the United States with regard to Hitler straight through the 1930s, it would be inconceivable to imagine that these movements would have gotten very far.

So it is a mistake to think of the totalitarian movements as isolated. They existed in a dynamic, and part of the dynamic is the liberal naïve unwillingness to recognize them as what they are.

8) Totalitarianism arose in Europe in the fifteen years after the First World War. In the first twenty-five years, similar or identical movements arose on the other side of the Mediterranean too, in the Muslim world.

One of these movements was certainly Muslim Communism, which everyone forgets about. In the interpretation of the clash of civilizations, one would imagine that a Western movement like Communism would be inconceivable in what is called a non-Western society. In fact, Communism was a large and lasting movement.

But the totalitarian ideal also arose in two other versions, which were distinctly not European. The radical Islamist movement—that is, the notion of Islam as a revolutionary political movement, not just as a religion—was founded in 1928 with the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt. The Pan-Arabist movement in its most radical version, the Baath, was founded formally in 1943 in Damascus.

These movements are conventionally seen as opposites. If you turn on the TV, you will see any number of people automatically saying that these movements have nothing in common; one is religious, the other is secular; they despise each other. And it is true that they have despised each other and have committed mutual massacres on a gigantic scale.

It is useful to point out the ways in which these two movements resemble each other. The totalitarian movements in Europe also were different one from the other, and sometimes were at war with one another, and yet there were underlying similarities.

In the case of Baathism and Islamism, these similarities are easy to see. There is a people of God. The people of God should be described as the “true Muslims” in the case of the Islamists, or as the “true Arabs” in the case of the Baath. The people of God are afflicted by internal corruptors within Muslim society. These internal corruptors are the Jews or the Masons or the Muslim hypocrites.

The people of God are afflicted by sinister external foes, Western imperialists or the worldwide Zionist conspiracy. The people of God will resist these internal foes and external foes in a gigantic war of Armageddon. This war will be the liberation of Jerusalem or it will be the jihad.

Afterwards the reign of purity will be established and this reign of purity is described in the case of both of those movements in the same way: it is the re-resurrection of the Caliphate of the seventh century in the years after the Prophet Mohammed. The Caliphate is described by each of these movements in a slightly different way. For the Islamists, it means the reinstating of Shar’iah or Qur’anic law. For the Baathists the emphasis is secular; it is the recreating, the resurrecting, of the Arab empire when the Arab empire was on the march.

Finally, these two movements have lacked for nothing in the realm of practical achievement – killing millions. In the last twenty years, several million people have been killed in the course of the Iran-Iraq war, which pitted one of these movements against the other—the mass human wave suicide attacks on the part of the Iranian Islamists against the cult of cruelty, and of chemical weapons on the part of the Baathists. It is estimated that between one and a half million and two million people were killed in Sudan; 100,000 are thought killed in Algeria over the last several years.

It is conventionally said that in these movements today we face nothing like Hitler or Stalin, but statistically this is not true.

9) The success of Muslim totalitarianism has depended on liberal naïveté—in fact, blindness. The eyes of the world have not been on these millions who have been killed in the last twenty years.

Always the liberals all over the world have wanted to describe these movements as in some way rational and conventional, as movements based on grievances—“The movements are anti-Zionist, and isn’t it the case that Israel has often been at fault?” “The movements are anti-American, and isn’t it the case that the United States has often been at fault?”

And these grievances do exist, but the effort to take them seriously tends often to distort their madness in such a way as to make it unrecognizable, for totalitarian doctrines are always mad. The Nazis thought they were engaged in a biological struggle. The Stalinists thought they were the proletariat and their enemies were the bourgeois exploiters. The Baathists and Islamists see a cosmic Zionist-Crusader conspiracy.

It is important to keep a sense of the madness in these ideas, even if it is true that in the years after World War I some Germans were oppressed outside of the borders of Germany, and Israel and the U.S. have done bad things.

10) All of the totalitarian movements were at bottom ideological movements, not based on a normal sense of grievances of political claims or expression of real-life interests, but movements based on ideological visions.

Each of these movements in the past was defeated not militarily but ideologically. World War II was violent and military, but although D-Day was important, de-Nazification was the actual victory. The defeat of Nazism militarily would not have been all that helpful if Germany, which is inherently an extremely wealthy and powerful society, had continued to remain a society of millions and millions of convinced Nazis.

The same is true now. The struggle we are involved in now has, had, and will continue to have a military aspect, but this aspect must be secondary to the ideological aspect, to the war of ideas.

The basic danger we are facing now is not weapons of mass destruction, per se, because we know very well that box cutters can be lethal weapons of the worst sort. The danger that we face is not inherently military; it’s not armies in the conventional sense. It is above all ideological. As long as millions of people are committed fanatically to doctrines that are ultimately mad and that follow in the tradition of the totalitarian madnesses of Europe in the twentieth century, the danger persists.

I maintain that the struggle we are involved in is, or ought to be, ultimately a war of ideas.

 

 

Continue Reading

Gandhi on voluntary cow protection (he disliked coercion or laws)

I’m extracting here a few of Gandhi’s comments recorded in his Complete Works – (these are available from my server)

Vol. 10 : 5 August, 1909 – 9 April, 1910

From Hind Swaraj, 22-11-1909

READER: Now I would like to know your views about cow-protection.

EDITOR: I myself respect the cow, that is, I look upon her with affectionate reverence. The cow is the protector of India because, being an agricultural country, she is dependent on the cow. The cow is a most useful animal in hundreds of ways. Our Mahomedan brethren will admit this.

But, just as I respect the cow, so do I respect my fellow-men. A man is just as useful as a cow no matter whether he be a Mahomedan or a Hindu. Am I, then, to fight with or kill a Mahomedan in order to save a cow? In doing so, I would become an enemy of the Mahomedan as well as of the cow. Therefore, the only method I know of protecting the cow is that I should approach my Mahomedan brother and urge him for the sake of the country to join me in protecting her. If he would not listen to me I should let the cow go for the simple reason that the matter is beyond my ability. If I were overfull of pity for the cow, I should sacrifice my life to save her but not take my brother’s. This, I hold, is the law of our religion.

When men become obstinate, it is a difficult thing. If I pull one way, my Moslem brother will pull another. If I put on superior airs, he will return the compliment. If I bow to him gently, he will do it much more so; and if he does not, I shall not be considered to have done wrong in having bowed. When the Hindus became insistent, the killing of cows increased. In my opinion, cow-protection societies may be considered cow-killing societies. It is a disgrace to us that we should need such societies. When we forgot how to protect cows, I suppose we needed such societies.

What am I to do when a blood-brother is on the point of killing a cow? Am I to kill him, or to fall down at his feet and implore him? If you admit that I should adopt the latter course, I must do the same to my Moslem brother.

Who protects the cow from destruction by Hindus when they cruelly ill-treat her? Whoever reasons with the Hindus when they mercilessly belabour the progeny of the cow with their sticks? But this has not prevented us from remaining one nation.

Lastly, if it be true that the Hindus believe in the doctrine of non-killing and the Mahomedans do not, what, pray, is the duty of the former? It is not written that a follower of the religion of Ahimsa (nonkilling) may kill a fellow-man. For him the way is straight. In order to save one being, he may not kill another. He can only plead— therein lies his sole duty.

But does every Hindu believe in Ahimsa? Going to the root of the matter, not one man really practises such a religion because we do destroy life. We are said to follow that religion because we want to obtain freedom from liability to kill any kind of life. Generally speaking, we may observe that many Hindus partake of meat and are not, therefore, followers of Ahimsa. It is, therefore, preposterous to suggest that the two cannot live together amicably because the Hindus believe in Ahimsa and the Mahomedans do not.

Those who do not wish to misunderstand things may read up the Koran, and they will find therein hundreds of passages acceptable to the Hindus; and the Bhagavad-gita contains passages to which not a Mahomedan can take exception. Am I to dislike a Mahomedan because there are passages in the Koran I do not understand or like? It takes two to make a quarrel. If I do not want to quarrel with a Mahomedan, the latter will be powerless to foist a quarrel on me; and, similarly, I should be powerless if a Mahomedan refuses his assistance to quarrel with me. An arm striking the air will become disjointed. If everyone will try to understand the core of his own religion and adhere to it, and will not allow false teachers to dictate to him, there will be no room left for quarrelling.

FURTHER

In calling the cow-protection societies cow-killing societies, I have but stated the truth; for their object is to rescue the cow or protect her by bringing pressure on Mussalmans.

To rescue the cow by paying money is no protection of the cow; it is a way to teach the butcher to be deceitful. If we try to coerce the Mussalmans they will slaughter more cows. But if we persuade them or offer satyagraha against them they will protect her. No cow-protection society is necessary for doing this. That body should be for teaching Hinduism to the Hindus. It is better to kill an ox by a single blow of the sword than to kill it by starving it, by pricking it, by over-working it and thus torturing it.

Vol. 16: 1 September, 1917 – 23 April, 1918

Speech on Cow Protection, Bettiah (About October 9, 1917)

I am thankful to the Gaurakshini Sabha and to you all for inviting me to lay the foundation-stone of the gaushala4 in this town. For the Hindus, this is sacred work. Protection of the cow is a primary duty for every Indian. It has been my experience, however, that the way we set about this important work leaves much to be desired. I have given some thought to this serious problem and wish to place before you the conclusions I have formed.

These days cow protection has come to mean only two things: first, to save cows from the hands of our Muslim brethren on occasions like the Bakr-i-Id and, secondly, to put up gaushalas for decrepit cows.

We do not go the right way to work for protecting the cows against our Muslim brethren. The result has been that these two great communities of India are always at odds with each other and cherish mutual distrust. Occasionally, they even fight. The riot at Shahabad a few days ago bears out my statement. The problem calls for some serious thinking on the part of both the communities. Hundreds of Hindu friends indulged in rioting and looted the property of innocent Muslims. What virtue could there be in this? In fact, it was a very sinful thing to do.

The activities of the Gaurakshini Sabha result in a far larger number of cows being killed than are saved. Hinduism attaches special importance to non-violence. It is the very opposite of religious conduct to kill a Muslim in order to save a cow. If we wish the Muslims not to kill cows, we should bring about a change of heart in them. We shall not succeed by force. We should reach their hearts with prayer and entreaty and achieve our purpose by awakening their sense of compassion. In adopting this course, we should take a pledge that, while seeking to protect the cows, we shall bear no ill-will or malice towards Muslims or be angry with them or fight with them. It is when we have taken up such a reassuring attitude that we shall be qualified to raise the matter with them. It should be remembered that what we regard as sin is not seen in the same light by our Muslim brethren. On the contrary, for them it is a meritorious act to kill cows on certain occasions. Every person should follow his own religion. If it were true that killing of cows was enjoined by Islam, India would have had no genuine peace any time; as I understand the matter, however, killing of cows on occasions like Bakr-i-Id is not obligatory, but Muslim friends imagine it their duty to do so when we seek to prevent them by force. Be this as it may, I have no doubt in my mind that this problem can be solved only by tapascharya. The height of tapascharya on such occasions is to lay down one’s life for the sake of cows.

However, all Hindus are not qualified for such supreme tapascharya. Those who want to stop others from sinning must be free from sin themselves. Hindu society has been inflicting terrible cruelty on the cow and her progeny. The present condition of our cows is a direct proof of this. My heart bleeds when I see thousands of bullocks with no blood and flesh on them, their bones plainly visible beneath their skin, ill-nourished and made to carry excessive burdens, while the driver twists their tails and goads them on. I shudder when I see all this and ask myself how we can say anything to our Muslim friends so long as we do not refrain from such terrible violence. We are so intensely selfish that we feel no shame in milking the cow to the last drop. If you go to dairies in Calcutta, you will find that the calves there are forced to go without the mother’s milk and that all the milk is extracted with the help of a process known as blowing. The proprietors and managers of these dairies are none other than Hindus and most of those who consume the milk are also Hindus. So long as such dairies flourish and we consume the milk supplied by them, what right have we to argue with our Muslim brethren? It should be borne in mind, besides, that there are slaughter-houses. in all the big cities of India. Thousands of cows and bullocks are slaughtered in these. It is mostly from them that beef is supplied to the British. Hindu society keeps silent about this slaughter, thinking that it is helpless in the matter.

As long as we do not get this terrible slaughter stopped, I think it is impossible that we can produce any effect on the hearts of Muslims or protect the cows against them. Our second task, therefore, is to carry on agitation among our British friends. We are in no position to use brute strength against them. They also should be won over by tapascharya and gentleness. For them eating of beef is no religious act. It should be easier to that extent to persuade them. It is only after we have rid ourselves of the taint of violence which I mentioned earlier and have succeeded in persuading our British friends not to eat beef and kill cows and bullocks, it is only then that we shall be entitled to say something to our Muslim friends. I can assure you that, when we have won over the British, our Muslim brethren will also have more sympathy for us and perform their religious rites with some other kind of offering. Once we admit that we are also guilty of violence, the working of our gaushalas will change. We shall not reserve them merely for decrepit cows but maintain there well-nourished cows and bullocks as well. We shall endeavour to improve the breed of cattle and will also be able to produce pure milk, ghee, etc. This is not merely a religious issue. It is an issue on which hinges the economic progress of India. Economists have furnished irrefutable figures to prove that the quality of cattle in India is so poor that the income from their milk is much less than the cost of their maintenance. We can turn our gaushalas into centres for the study of economics and for the solution of this big problem. Gaushalas cost a great deal and at present we have to provide the expenses. The gaushalas of my conception will become self-supporting in future. They will not be located in the midst of cities. We may buy land in the neighbourhood of a city to the tune of hundreds of acres and locate these gaushalas there. We can raise on this land crops to serve as fodder for the cows and every variety of grass. We shall find good use for the valuable manure they yield by way of excrement and urine. I hope you will all give the utmost thought to what I have said. The Gaurakshini Sabha in Motihari has accepted this suggestion. It is my request, in the end, that both these institutions come together and undertake this big task.

LETTER TO RANCHHODLAL PATWARI MOTIHARI, Kartak Sud 4 [November 18, 1917]

RESPECTED BHAISHRI,

I have a feeling that you are saddened after I have taken up my work for Bhangis. I could not, and I cannot, give up my work for Bhangis. But your being unhappy makes me sad and so, when I received your letter, I knew that, though you disapprove of my work for Bhangis, on the whole you don’t disapprove of all my activities. This came to me as a blessing. But I hope for more. In the name of Vaishnava dharma that most sacred dharma is being destroyed; in the name of cow-protection, destruction of cows is brought about; in the name of religion, the most irreligious practices are prevalent; posing to be men of religion, irreligious people lay down the law on religious matters. If I can see these things, how is it that you, who cherish Vaishnava dharma, should not see them? I find myself constantly asking this question. Contact with a Bhangi can never be sinful; killing a Muslim for [saving] cows can never be a righteous act; the holy books can never have enjoined untruth; men who give free rein to their desires ought not to rule in matters of religion; all this is axiomatic. How can there be any difference of opinion about this? Would you not like to use the influence you have acquired over the Vaishnava community towards this end? Can you not help men like me at least with your verbal support? What tapascharya can I go through to make you see things as I see them? I keep asking these questions. Please think [of them] inwardly again.

Letter to the Statesman, 16 January 1918

I said at the meeting that the Hindus had no warrant for resenting the slaughter of cows by their Mahomedan brethren, who kill them from religious conviction, so long as they themselves were a party to the killing by inches of thousands of cattle who were horribly ill-treated by their Hindu owners, to the drinking of milk drawn from cows in the inhuman dairies of Calcutta, and so long as they calmly contemplated the slaughter of thousands of cattle in the slaughterhouses of India for providing beef for the European and Christian residents of India. I suggested that the first step towards procuring full protection for cows was to put their own house in order by securing absolute immunity from ill-treatment of their cattle by Hindus themselves, and then to appeal to the Europeans to abstain from beef-eating whilst resident in India, or at least to procure beef from outside India. I added that in no case could the cow-protection propaganda, if it was to be based upon religious conviction, tolerate a sacrifice of Mahomedans for the sake of saving cows, that the religious method of securing protection from Christians and Mahomedans alike was for Hindus to offer themselves a willing sacrifice of sufficient magnitude to draw out the merciful nature of Christians and Mahomedans. Rightly or wrongly, worship of the cow is ingrained in the Hindu nature and I see no escape from a most bigoted and sanguinary strife over this question between Christians and Mahomedans on the one hand and Hindus on the other except in the fullest recognition and practice by the Hindus of the religion of ahimsa, which it is my self-imposed and humble mission in life to preach. Let the truth be faced. It must not be supposed that Hindus feel nothing about the cow slaughter going on for the European. I know that their wrath is today being buried under the awe inspired by the English rule. But there is not a Hindu throughout the length and breadth of India who does not expect one day to free his land from cow slaughter. But contrary to the genius of Hinduism as I know it, he would not mind forcing, even at the point of the sword, either the Christian or the Mahomedan to abandon cow slaughter. I wish to play my humble part in preventing such a catastrophe and I thank Mr. Irwin for having provided me with an opportunity of inviting him and your readers to help me in my onerous mission. The mission may fail to prevent cow slaughter. But there is no reason why by patient plodding and consistent practice it should not succeed in showing the folly, the stupidity and the inhumanity of committing the crime of killing a fellow human being for the sake of saving a fellow animal.

Vol.17 : 26 April, 1918 – April, 1919

THE VOW OF HINDU-MUSLIM UNITY – April 8, 1919, a leaflet on Hindu-Muslim unity:

The standing complaint of the Hindus against the Mussulmans is that the latter are beef-eaters and that they purposely sacrifice cows on the Bakr-i-ld day. Now it is impossible to unite the Hindus and Mahomedans so long as the Hindus do not hesitate to kill their Mahomedan brethren in order to protect a cow. For I think it is futile to expect that our violence will ever compel the Mahomedans to refrain from cow-slaughter. I do not believe the efforts of our cow-protection societies have availed in the least to lessen the number of cows killed every day. I have had no reason to believe so. I believe myself to be an orthodox Hindu and it is my conviction that no one who scrupulously practises the Hindu religion may kill a cow-killer to protect a cow. There is one and only one means open to a Hindu to protect a cow and that is that he should offer himself a sacrifice if he cannot stand its slaughter. Even if a very few enlightened Hindus thus sacrificed themselves, I have no doubt that our Mussulman brethren would abandon cow-slaughter. But this is satyagraha; this is equity; even as, if I want my brother to redress a grievance, I must do so by taking upon my head a certain amount of sacrifice and not by inflicting injury on him. I may not demand it as of right. My only right against my brother is that I can offer myself a sacrifice.

Vol. 21 : 1 July, 1920 – 21 November, 1920

COW PROTECTION, Young India, 4-8-1920

Cow protection is an article of faith in Hinduism. Apart from its religious sanctity, it is an ennobling creed. But we, Hindus, have today little regard for the cow and her progeny. In no country in the world are cattle so ill-fed and ill-kept as in India. In beef-eating England it would be difficult to find cattle with bones sticking out of their flesh. Most of our pinjrapoles are ill-managed and ill-kept. Instead of being a real blessing to the animal world, they are perhaps simply receiving-depots for dying animals. We say nothing to the English in India for whose sake hundreds of cows are slaughtered daily. Our rajas do not hesitate to provide beef for their English guests. Our protection of the cow, therefore, extends to rescuing her from Mussulman hands.

This reverse method of cow protection has led to endless feuds and bad blood between Hindus and Mussulmans. It has probably caused greater slaughter of cows than otherwise would have been the case if we had begun the propaganda in the right order.

We should have commenced, as we ought now to commence, with ourselves and cover the land with useful propaganda leading to kindness in the treatment of cattle and scientific knowledge in the management of cattle farms, dairies and pinjrapoles. We should devote our attention to propaganda among Englishmen in the shape of inducing them voluntarily to abandon beef, or, if they will not do so, at least be satisfied with imported beef.

Continue Reading

Mass formation #2 – Link with mass hypnosis

These are some other references I’ve located.

https://www.taylorfrancis.com/books/edit/10.4324/9780429484841/group-chris-oakley

CANELAS, José Martins. Psychoanalysis, mass formation and democracy. Ide (São Paulo) [online]. 2018, vol.40, n.66, pp. 75-79. ISSN 0101-3106.

Freudian theory and the pattern of fascist propaganda

And an article

Freud’s Mass Hypnosis with Spinoza’s Superstitious Wonder: Balibar’s Multiple Transindividuality – Christopher Davidson

 

Keywords:

Balibar. Politics. Transindividual. Freud. Spinoza. Foucault.

Abstract:

This response focuses on Balibar’s method of thinking transindividuality through multiple figures, in their similarities as well as their productive differences. His essay ‘Philosophies of the Transindividual: Spinoza, Marx, Freud’ combines the three titular figures in order to better think the multifaceted idea of ‘classical’ transindividuality. Balibar’s method combines the three but nonetheless maintains their dissimilarities as real differences. This response attempts to test or apply that method in two ways. The first application links Balibar’s analysis of Freud’s hypnotic leader with a theme Balibar does not here discuss: wonder’s connection to superstition in Spinoza. At the level of their effects, superstitious wonder and hypnosis are nearly identical transindividual processes which lead to affective mass formation. However, their causes are quite distinct. This response details the similar effects and different causes, then asks the question: does their difference render them irreconcilable or complementary? Given the prominent role Spinoza plays in Balibar’s work, and the strong overall equivalence of wonder and hypnosis, this first application of Balibar’s method of multiple combination likely presents a complementarity rather than a conflict. This response’s second application, attempting to integrate another figure into the transindividual multiple, presents greater difficulties: what role, if any, could Foucault play in Balibar’s transindividuality? With Foucault, the tensions or differences perhaps amount to fundamental and thoroughgoing incompatibilities. However, combining Foucault with ‘classical’ transindividuality potentially extends and deepens each. This response concludes with examples of these problematic tensions as well as possibly fruitful combinations.

Introduction

In Balibar’s ‘Philosophies of the Transindividual: Spinoza, Marx, Freud’, readers familiar with his previous writings can sense the continual unfolding of his thinking. He is willing to let his ideas undergo modification as he adds qualifications to certain earlier theses. He admits there may be something which exceeds, as a line of flight, what philosophies of transindividuality can express. All three thinkers have been treated in his previous works, but here their combination is more sustained. He also acknowledges certain differences between the three thinkers he here connects: for instance, the divergent roles that imagination plays in Marx and Spinoza. My response takes the productive tension generated by such differences, between different thinkers aligned within transindividuality, as its theme.

Their alignment is not strict equivalence: rather than a single, set  ‘object’, the transindividuality these three express is a ‘programmatic name… opening onto multiple, perhaps mutually contradictory possible interpretations’ [2]. Re-reading thinkers through ‘what they have in common and what distinguishes them’ [4] generates a productive tension. The formal method seems to mirror the content: transindividuality is multiple, and, his conceptual resources also are multiple. Balibar uses this re-reading style to great effect, multiplying the impact of each of these three thinkers. However, for those of us attempting to build upon Balibar’s insights, it raises an issue of how we can best re-read other possible contributions to the multiple transindividual. Little would be gained by multiplying infinite nearly identical examples, but conversely, no productive tension would be established with fundamentally incompatible thinkers who contest, not complement, his most recent expression of transindividuality.

Since the working of his method is best seen in the practice of philosophy which his re-readings enact, my response itself practices a comparative re-reading. Wonder’s link to superstition in Spinoza is almost exactly equivalent to the hypnotic Freudian leader—except they also involve fundamentally different causes and desires. Balibar’s essay contains a possible response, but a question lingers: what greater difficulties may face an attempt to integrate another philosophy into Balibar’s classical philosophies of transindividuality?

Freud on Hypnosis

Balibar’s essay speaks of the two major processes through which identification sets up mass formation in Freud. As with transindividuality in general, these processes are ‘reversible’ [18] : they can be analyzed at an individual level (libidinal desire) and at the mass level (a group identity through the shared love object of the leader). Through libidinal impulses directed toward the leader, narcissistic antisociality is minimized, permitting the mass to bind together. I will focus on the hypnotic means to this identification, rather than the amorous process.

When hypnotized, a state is induced in which the world falls away, as in sleep. ‘The hypnotist is the sole object; no other object… receives any attention’ [Freud 1921: 67]. Disconnected from the real world, one accepts the hypnotist’s description of reality. If the hypnotist says, ‘you are on an island,’ one ‘sees’ the island. Hypnosis prevents the ego from thinking conscious thoughts of its own. Further, one becomes suggestible in terms of action. As with ‘the fright hypnosis of animals’ [ibid.: 68], hypnosis causes ‘reduced narcissism’ [ibid.: 66] and a ‘soaking up of personal initiative’ [ibid.: 67] to such an extent that it paralyzes the individual and can even lead to self-harm. Paralysis is broken only on the command of the leader. As Balibar notes, hypnosis causes a ‘suspension of the judgment of reality’[19]  as the hypnotist supplants the functioning of the superego.

What distinguishes hypnosis from the mass is merely the number, Freud says: hypnotized and hypnotist fuse into a mass of two. Two are not yet a social mass, which requires that the ego is identified with other egos—which further reduces narcissistic aggression since ‘he is me’. In short, on the basis of one’s hypnotic/libidinal attachment the leader, one identifies with the mass as comrades or siblings, since each has an attachment to the same object. This produces non-narcissistic submission as a precondition for the mass. But there is an original precondition allowing for such attachment: the desire to appease guilt related to the primal horde’s slaying of the father (and correlative Oedipal desires). Before any hypnosis, the individual already “wishes to be dominated by an absolute power, it is in the highest degree addicted to authority’ [Freud 1921: 82]. Institutions nurture and stabilize this addiction. The paradigmatic institutions of army and church work differently, but have similar foundations and functions. Balibar notes these institution’s differences without reducing them to species of an identical general process [22]: a specific example of transindividual multiplicity. A transindividual is not one process churning out an infinity of instances, but many irreducible levels and co-constitutions, working as an ensemble in their differences to make a metastable transindividual.

Spinoza on Wonder

The following comparison of hypnosis with Spinoza’s wonder will put Balibar’s comparative method into practice. Wonder (re-read after Freud) is nearly identical to hypnosis. However, the two remain fundamentally different. The tension of this difference-in-similarity, once addressed, can assist us if we later expand the multiplicity already established by Balibar to other conceptual resources.

Spinoza’s Ethics shows wonder in its initial state. Wonder is caused when one is affected by something so new and so incomprehensible that one cannot connect it to —or think of— anything else. Spinoza defines wonder in Part III, Proposition 52: ‘When … we imagine in an object something singular, which we have never seen before,… there is nothing in itself which [the mind] is led to consider from considering that’ singular thing [1985: 523]. Part V, Proposition 9 further specifies: wonder ‘prevents the mind from being able to think [because it] engages the Mind solely in considering one [object], so that it cannot think of others’ [ibid.: 601] Like hypnosis, conscious thought is blocked in wonder as the mind focuses intensely on only one thing.

If fear accompanies wonder, desire is paralyzed and the ability to strive for self-preservation is reduced. ‘Consternation is attributed to one whose desire to avoid an evil is restrained by Wonder at the evil he fears.  … But because consternation arises from a double timidity, it can be more conveniently defined as a fear that keeps a man senseless or vacillating so that he cannot avert the evil’ [ibid: 540], as Spinoza says in Part III, Definition of the Affects XLII.  Beyond wonder’s stunning of thought, fearful consternation stuns one at the level of desire, too—we cannot act, as with the paralysis of hypnosis.

Wonder is related to the affect of ambition in leaders, through the link of superstition, which is how wonder becomes transindividual. Wonder is ignorance by definition: one cannot understand the object. Wonder’s void of thought and action typically does not go unfilled: the world always has more than enough ambitious people ready to suggest their own superstitious ideas and theological-political rules for action. Part 3, proposition 31 of the Ethics defines ambition generally as the desire ‘that everyone should love what he loves, and hate what he hates… This striving to bring it about that everyone should approve his love and hate is really Ambition.’ In the Ethics’ Appendix to Part I, wonder is repeatedly linked to priestly ambition: for instance, ‘those whom the people honor as interpreters of Nature and the Gods… know that if ignorance is taken away, then foolish wonder, the only means they have of arguing and defending their Authority, is also taken away.’

In addition to wonder at God, or Nature, consternation about fortune or political events also calls up a flight to leaders. Superstition builds on natural ignorance, by proclaiming seductive imaginative ideas to fill the hole wonder leaves in the mind, and claiming that those in authority must be followed to avoid consternating fears. This is seen most clearly in the Theological-Political Treatise, which bears out the same affective relational nexus as the Ethics and extends it to leaders’ use of institutions. ‘But since people are often reduced to such desperate straits that they cannot arrive at any judgment… [they] are quite ready to believe anything… When the mind is in a state of doubt, the slightest impulse can easily steer it in any direction’ [Spinoza 2007: 3]. As with hypnotic suggestibility, the paralyzing fear and vacillating doubt of consternation can be broken by the advice—or command—of a leader on matters moral and political. Wonder can even lead to self-harm, circumventing the desire for self-preservation, as in hypnotic suggestibility. On the command of the leader, people “will fight for their servitude … and will not think it humiliating but supremely glorious to spill their blood and sacrifice their lives’ [ibid.: 6].

As with Freud, individual affects prepare the way for a relation to a leader, which then has a mass effect as the superstitious are bound together in obedience and institutionalized ceremonies. Theological-political authority requires obedience, that is, similar actions amongst members of the group. Because over time laws and customs modify the ingenium or character of the people, wonder’s receptivity to following advice and instruction is not a matter only of an individual’s inadequate ideas, but affects the thoughts and characteristic behaviors of the people as a whole: a transindividual process which up to this point, resembles Freud’s hypnosis point for point.

I will now briefly note tensions between Spinoza and Freud within the just-described process of transindividuality. Wonder has very similar effects to hypnosis but its cause is prior to any leader and requires no intermediary: sheer ignorance in the face of a singular event. That is, in Spinoza, it is possible to be ‘hypnotized’ in wonder without a relation to a hypnotist, whereas pre-existing love of the leader (… and a father-figure, and an archaic relation to the primal father) is a cause or condition of Freudian hypnosis. Further, wonder catches us completely by surprise: one cannot desire even unconsciously to be in wonder since it is defined by its heretofore-unmet singularity. However, in Freud, one always already desires to be hypnotized: the individual is already reaching out, begging for a leader. At a minimum, the initial desire pre-exists in Freud and has a father-figure object. Depending on how one reads the myth of the primal horde, this desire might be a horde instinct. In Spinoza’s wonder, there is initially neither a desire directed to an object nor a relevant relational—let alone mass—affect.

Finally, the desires which wonder does prompt (to truly know and to have confidence in one’s power of acting) can be satisfied through increased knowledge and power, before any leader presents the pseudo-satisfaction of superstition. This is of course rare but it is possible. However, it appears that only a father-figure of some sort can resolve the desire for domination which lies behind hypnosis. (Even if the reader thinks these distinctions fail to show any significant difference between hypnosis and wonder, at a minimum, hopefully the reader will find that the affect of consternation specified Balibar’s remarks on the political double relation of utility-affect, and that the connection to Freud illuminated Balibar’s comments on the role of hypnosis in mass formation.)

Despite wonder and hypnosis being so close in many ways, the different causes and desires which they involve can hardly be ignored. Let us recall, however, that Balibar’s method of comparison does not require exact identity among its multiple constitutive references. In fact, much like a transindividual, his work is robust and resilient precisely through its maintenance of certain tensions between multiple factors. It is in this way that Balibar’s essay contains a possible response to the divergences between Freud and Spinoza. Balibar noted that the Freudian transindividual is constituted in multiple, non-identical principles (amorous and hypnotic) and in multiple, non-identical institutions (army and church). Balibar states that their non-identity is complementary. These “antithetical principles” nonetheless support “an intrinsic duality” of narcissism-reducing mass identification [19], thus securing the transindividual more comprehensively. In a roughly similar fashion, the divergence of hypnosis and wonder could presumably be complementary despite their different principles.

Foucault

However, questions remain: how might the three classical transindividual thinkers be usefully compared to other thinkers, and what kind of divergences would cause unsolvable problems rather than productive tensions? Can a thinker explicitly opposed to elements of Marxian and Freudian thought nonetheless be placed alongside them in the element of transindividuality? This is a rather higher hurdle to clear than the wonder-hypnosis divergence. Let us again query Balibar’s comparative method, but now through Michel Foucault. (Forgive my temptation to go a step beyond the multiplicity of Marx-Spinoza-Freud, as Balibar was tempted to go a step beyond the letter of Spinoza.) Is there a place for Foucault within this multiplicity? If not, whichever specific aspects of Foucault bar him from it will be instructive about how the comparative method works.

Some of Balibar’s fellow travelers have made valuable contributions to transindividuality which might establish a tentative rapport with Foucault, though I am most curious what Balibar himself would say in this regard. Jason Read notes that Foucault occasionally links his own theory of subject formation to Marx [2015: 233]. Warren Montag has discussed Foucault and Louis Althusser through their tension on ideology alongside their shared antihumanism [1995]. Althusser himself briefly links between Spinoza on religious ceremonies and Foucault on disciplinary power [1997: 3]. Pierre Macherey, at greater length, connects Foucault to aspects of Spinoza which are relevant to transindividuality [1989].

There are allusions to Foucault in Balibar’s essay, such as ‘the episteme underlying the “human sciences”’ [18] and quasi-transcendentals [27-8]). It also contains themes Balibar has discussed alongside Foucault in other works, such as philosophical anthropology [2017], points of heresy [2015a], and Foucault’s productive tensions with post-Marxian political thought [2015b; 1992]. The complexity of Balibar’s thought in these works cannot be done justice here, let alone their relation to transindividuality. However, speaking generally, such references to Foucault seem to require neither his exclusion nor his inclusion in the multiple constitution of the transindividual.

The question remains, then: might specific aspects of Foucault contribute substantially to transindividuality? Conversely, which parts of Foucault might be obstacles to thinking the transindividual? I offer some initial thoughts here.

Balibar speaks in this essay of multiple levels (Spinoza’s individual conatus, interpersonal imitation, and broader political totality; Marx’s doublet of commodity fetishism and juridical fetishism), and of horizontal and vertical relations (Freud’s identification with other egos, and relation to the model). These relations are distinct in their functioning, much as Foucault’s three “axes” (knowledges, power-relations, and ethical subjectivity) are co-constitutive of experience through distinct operations which cannot be reduced to each other. In Foucault and Balibar both, the divergence of axes, which also cross at the very heart of the subject, generates complex and non-reductive accounts.

Practices of the self and governmentality (governing oneself in order to better govern others, as well as governing others so that they can eventually govern themselves) seem to be transindividual at their very core. Both exist socially—one finds oneself already born into a mode of subjectivation or governmentality—and yet that social mode offers specific practices by which the individual works upon and transforms itself.

Power in Foucault can work on pre-individual parts of a person, as in disciplinary power’s fragmenting of the body, just as much as it can work on the transindividual population, as in biopolitics’ use of statistical norms. On a certain reading of Foucault, power is—to employ Balibar’s description of transindividuality—not a monolithic, top-down totality which would ‘pre-exist’ individuals but instead needs to ‘be individualised’ in different bodies [2]. Power is productive: it is not a strictly negative, repressive prohibition of what is, but leads to the not-yet.  Foucault constantly underscores the inherent mobility of history, which Balibar locates in Marx’s Veränderbarkeit and Spinoza’s shifting ratio of utility and affects.

Further, at every point of its operation, power produces unpredictable resistances to its functioning. This puts one in mind of psychosis in Freud, which Balibar says is a radical anti-sociality caused precisely by processes of socialization: psychosis reveals the  ‘the edge of the transindividual, where it “decomposes”, or tends to exceed itself, by destabilizing the figures of individuality and of community it instituted’ [27]. As but one example, Foucault claims that confession produced a rash of cases of demonic possession in nuns [1999: 204-17]. The very process of regulating bodies sometimes provokes unforeseen outbursts. Knowledge-power (itself a relation of relations) similarly constructs forms of knowledge that inevitably render unknowable their privileged objects. The norm is constructed on the basis of analyzing the abnormal, yet the definition of “abnormal” is constantly reformulated since it never quite captures its intended object.

There are difficulties, however, in integrating Foucault into transindividuality. If Foucault has no ontology, then that likely blocks him from transindividuality, the thinking together of ontology and politics. Or perhaps he has the wrong ontology: other readers of Foucault argue that he presents not un ensemble but das Ganze—an abstraction of ‘social being to the detriment of the individual’ [3]—just that which Balibar critiques. Also, Balibar has charted Foucault’s complex contestation of Marxist thought. Given certain post-Marxian themes in Balibar’s transindividuality, do any specific disagreements disqualify Foucault from the transindividual multiple?

What Balibar has established—and what his newer work further elaborates—about multiple classical discourses of transindividuality needs no assistance from Foucault, nor from me. However, I thought it worthwhile to raise these questions, to follow Balibar’s indication ‘that it may be profitable, at this stage of exploration and of construction of a new “grammar” for philosophy… to unfold—as far as possible—all the potentialities’ [3] of transindividual thinking.

 

REFERENCES

Althusser, Louis 1997. The Only Materialist Tradition, Part 1: Spinoza, in The New Spinoza, ed. Warren Montag and Ted Stolze, Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.

Balibar, Étienne 1992. The Question of Nominalism, in Michel Foucault: Philosopher, ed. Timothy Armstrong, New York: Routledge.

Balibar, Étienne 2015a. Foucault’s Point of Heresy: ‘Quasi-transcendentals’ and the Transdisciplinary Function of the Episteme, Theory, Culture & Society 32/5&6: 45-77.

Balibar, Étienne 2015b. L’anti-Marx de Michel Foucault, in Marx & Foucault: Lectures, Usages, Confrontations, eds. Christian Laval, Luca Paltrinieri, and Ferhat Taylan, Paris: La Découverte.

Balibar, Étienne 2017. Citizen Subject: Foundations for Philosophical Anthropology, trans. Steven Miller, New York: Fordham University Press.

Foucault, Michel 1999 (2003). Abnormal: Lectures at the Collège de France, 1974-1975, New York: Picador.

Freud, Sigmund 1921 (2004). Mass Psychology and Other Writings, trans. J.A. Underwood, London: Penguin Books.

Macherey, Pierre 1989 (1992). Towards a Natural History of Norms, in Michel Foucault: Philosopher, ed. Timothy Armstrong, New York: Routledge.

Montag, Warren 1995. ‘The Soul is the Prison of the Body’: Althusser and Foucault, 1970-1975, Yale French Studies 88: 53-77.

Read, Jason 2015. The Politics of Transindividuality, Chicago: Haymarket Books.

Spinoza, Benedict 1985. Ethics, in The Collected Works of Spinoza, Volume 1, trans. and ed. Edwin Curley, Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Spinoza, Benedict 2007. Theological-Political Treatise, trans. and ed. Jonathan Israel, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Continue Reading